Wednesday, July 30, 2008

ANTI-CORRUPTION

As posted by Dr. Mahathir Mohamad at www.chedet.com on July 30, 2008 3:37 PM

1. ACA, or Anti-Corruption Agency is now willing to investigate possible corruption based on newspaper reports.

2. It is now doing just that with regard to the huge bill for maintenance of Proton Perdana official cars used by the Terengganu Government.

3. This has prompted the Terengganu Menteri Besar to question why the very costly Monsoon Cup and the Islamic Theme Park have not been investigated.

4. Promptly the Trengganu ACA has decided to do just that.

5. I must congratulate the ACA for its seemingly independent response to complaints of corruption.

6. But I am a little bit disappointed when very quickly the Terengganu ACA stated that preliminary investigations have shown no element of bribery involved.

7. I do not think the ACA should be looking for evidence of bribery. As with the servicing charges for Proton Perdana, ACA should be looking for the cost of the projects, whether reasonable or not. It should also look into how the contracts were awarded and to whom.

8. I know a lot of Terengganu people have complained about the projects. Seems that almost all the contractors and sub-contractors were from outside Terengganu. Could it be that there are no capable contractors in Terengganu.

9. I was on the verge of asking the ACA to investigate Proton's sale of M.V. Agusta, which it bought for 72 million Euro but sold for just 1 Euro. We all know that the unknown buyer who paid 1 Euro then sold M.V. Agusta for a total of 160 million Euro.

10. Proton then claimed that by selling M.V. Agusta at 1 Euro it made 107 million Euro (M.V. Agusta's debts).

11. As one of the commentators on my blog says, he smells fish, a dead one.

12. But I hesitate to ask the ACA to investigate in case preliminary investigation shows no wrong doing.

Monday, July 28, 2008

THE COUNTRY WE LOVE

As posted by Dr. Mahathir Mohamad at www.chedet.com on July 27, 2008 3:12 PM

1. When we became independent in 1957 nobody gave us much of a chance to make any progress beyond what had been achieved under the British.

2. I myself at that time thought that the only difference independence would make would be Malaysians would take over the administration of the country from the British. Nothing much more than that.

3. The other day I was given a copy of a news sheet called "Opinion" of November 1968, which I remember was edited and produced by Sulaiman Alias, one of the young political activist in UMNO.

4. It was quite a liberal paper and contained articles by such well-known personalities as Dr Lim Chong Eu (Gerakan), Dr R Kumar (Labour Party), Lim Kit Siang (DAP), Syed Hussain Ali (Parti Rakyat), Tengku Zaid (PMIP), Goh Cheng Teik, Ismail Ghani and several others.

5. I was also a contributor writing "In Defense of Feudalism". I was a Member of Parliament then.

6. The article that most interested me was one by Dr Lim Chong Yah, an economist, entitled "The Future of Malaysian Economy".

7. In it he gave a picture of the Malaysian Economy in 1967, 10 years after Merdeka.

8. The population was a mere 10 million and we were reproducing at 3.7% per annum. Our death rate had decreased from 12% to 7% which resulted in a natural increase of 3% p.a., a high rate, he noted.

9. Assuming decreasing death rate and also decreasing birth rate, the 3% population growth would likely continue over the next 10 years bringing the population to 13 million in 1977.

10. Dr Lim thought that national income should increase at 3% p.a. over the 1967 per capital (sic) income of USD940 p.a. But at 3% rate of growth the gap between us and the rich countries would widen.

11. Still the other developing countries would be behind us. However at 3% growth we would not be able to create jobs at 100,000 p.a. The rate of growth of national income should be 5%.

12. Investment growth (domestic) would not be able to do this.

13. If foreign investment makes up 4% of growth then it may be possible to achieve the necessary rate of investment for creating 100,000 jobs per annum.

14. It was a time when the rubber estates and tin mines were still owned by foreigners. Bringing in foreign capital sounded like increasing overdependence on foreign enterprise. We did not quite relish the idea of more foreign involvement in our newly independent country.

15. But without capital inflow unemployment would be 200,000 by 1977. Together with 160,000 unemployed in 1967, the rate would go up to 360,000, a horrendous figure.

16. The 360,000 did not include a large number of under-employed workers.

17. In the second five-year plan the public section was to spend 4,500 million Ringgit of which 1,900 million Ringgit was to come from foreign sources (borrowing).

18. Malaysia would have to depend on foreign capital inflow. Dr Lim remarked that political independence had not freed us from dependence on foreign capital. Still, he said, it was consistent with political independence. He named several developed countries which depended on foreign capital inflows.

19. He then turned to the rubber industry which was undergoing great difficulties because of the increasing usage of synthetics. He concluded that the difficulties of the rubber industry was also the difficulty of the nation in view of the strategic and preeminent role the industry occupied in the Malaysian economy.

20. The United States was making things more difficult through the release of their rubber stockpile. I remember being invited by Mr Bell, the American Ambassador to tea and I raised this matter. I was shocked when the Ambassador said that it was important for the US economy to keep rubber prices low. I told him that rubber prices were more critical to a small country like Malaysia than to a huge diversified economic power like America. But he did not care what happened to Malaysia. Yet at that time we looked up to America as a friend and liberator.

21. Rubber prices went down from 108.00 cents per pound to 68.14 cents. At the time Dr Lim wrote his article it was 50 cent per pound. The kampong people suffered grievously.

22. The other major source of income for Malaysia was tin. Already the production was decreasing.

23. We may be surprised but after tin came iron ore. We produced 7.3 million tons in 1963 but the production was going down. We produce no iron ore for export today.

24. Dr Lim predicted that income from rubber, tin and iron ore would decrease by 1977.

25. But the picture was bright for palm oil. In 1957 we exported 58.5 thousand tons of palm oil. By 1966 we exported 178.0 thousand tons.

26. Imagine how small we were then. Today if I am not mistaken we export more than 12 million tons at RM 3,000 plus per ton = 36,000,000,000 i.e. 36 billion Ringgit per year - well over the total public development estimate of 4,000 million Ringgit for the second five year plan (of course the Ringgit bought more than it does now).

27. Other than these we expected to earn something from timber, canned pineapple and pepper.

28. Dr Lim believed that growth would be from the domestic sector, with public sector contributing much towards it.

29. From Dr Lim's paper, presented at a forum organised by the National Union of Malayan Students at the University of Malaya, it did not seem likely that Malaysia would grow to what it is today. Yet Dr Lim was optimistic. He expected political stability to contribute towards Malaysia's development.

30. I write this in order to remind ourselves as to what we were like before. In 1967 no one thought of a Malaysia like what it is today. We did not think of industrialisation. We saw ourselves as a producer of raw materials.

31. Foreign Direct Investment was an unknown term when Dr Lim Chong Eu invited foreign industrialists in the early 70s to invest in the electronic industry on liberal terms. Prior to that we had insisted that all foreign industries must accept Malaysian Equity Participation (before NEP).

32. Only National or Matsushita came. But later we gave priority to job creation to benefit not those with money to invest but the unemployed workers. That was the best decision the Malaysian Government ever made.

33. Today Malaysia is more prosperous than the other countries which attained independence together with us. There is not a single race, not a single person, whatever may be his or her station in life who can honestly say that he or she has gained nothing from the independent Governments of Malaysia.

34. We are all the beneficiaries of the policies of those early people who lead this country. The systems and policies they initiated were excellent. If they seem not to work today it is not because they were bad but it is because we do not have their caliber. We have become very selfish and too materialistic. This country has given us much. Is it still the country we love? I wonder!

Friday, July 25, 2008

SIAPA LANTIK ABDULLAH

As posted by Dr. Mahathir Mohamad at www.chedet.com on July 25, 2008 12:10 PM

Tiap kali saya kritik Dato Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi sebagai Perdana Menteri ada sahaja orang yang secara sinis berkata, "Awak yang lantik dia".

Ya, saya mengaku salah. Saya mengaku yang saya lantik Dato Seri Abdullah sebagai pengganti saya.

Tetapi ahli UMNO juga pilih Dato Seri Abdullah.

Dato Seri Abdullah memihak kepada Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah dan Musa Hitam dalam usaha untuk menjatuhkan saya pada tahun 1986-1987. Apabila Team B kalah dan UMNO diharamkan, Dato Seri Abdullah tidak menyertai Semangat 46 tajaan Tengku Razaleigh. Sebaliknya dia pilih untuk menjadi ahli UMNO Baru yang saya pimpin.

Saya tidak berhak menolaknya sebagai ahli UMNO Baru. Tetapi saya gugurkannya daripada Jemaah Menteri.

Dalam pemilihan Majlis Tertinggi yang menyusul Dato Seri Abdullah bertanding untuk ahli Majlis Tertinggi. Mesyuarat Agong UMNO memilih Dato Seri Abdullah sebagai ahli Majlis Tertinggi.

Saya masih tidak terima dia balik jadi Menteri.

Di Mesyuarat Agong selepas itu dia bertanding untuk jawatan Naib Presiden. Dia menang dengan undi kedua terbesar jumlahnya berbanding Dato Seri Najib.

Saya berpendapat UMNO hendakkan kepimpinan Dato Seri Abdullah. Walau apa pun perasaan saya terhadap orang yang bersubahat untuk jatuhkan saya, saya tidak berhak untuk menolak kehendak UMNO.

Justeru itu saya kembalikan Dato Seri Abdullah sebagai Menteri dalam Kabinet.

Puji-pujian didengar merata-rata yang Dato Seri Abdullah adalah "Bersih", "Mr Clean". Oleh itu apabila saya terpaksa gugurkan Dato Seri Anwar Ibrahim sebagai Timbalan Perdana Menteri, saya pilih Dato Seri Abdullah untuk mengisi jawatan itu walaupun Dato Seri Najib adalah Naib Presiden yang mendapat undi tertinggi.

Kenapa tidak dipilih Dato Seri Najib?

Sebabnya ialah dia lebih muda dan harapan saya selepas satu, dua penggal sebagai Perdana Menteri, Dato Seri Abdullah akan serahkan jawatan itu kepada Dato Seri Najib. Sebab itu saya berusaha bersungguh-sungguh untuk menentukan Dato Seri Abdullah pilih Dato Seri Najib sebagai timbalannya.

Pemilihan Naib Presiden bukan yang pertama sebagai timbalan pernah berlaku. Saya Naib Presiden yang ke-tiga tetapi Tun Hussein Onn pilih saya jadi Timbalan Perdana Menteri.

Seperti juga dengan diri saya, Mesyuarat Agong UMNO mengesahkan pemilihan Dato Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi sebagai Timbalan Presiden parti dalam pemilihan yang berikut.

Selepas itu saya anggap penyerahan kuasa kepada Dato Seri Abdullah bukanlah sesuatu yang tidak dikehendaki oleh UMNO. Tidak ada sesiapa yang membantah.

Saya jelaskan latarbelakang pemilihan Dato Seri Abdullah sebagai Perdana Menteri bukan kerana hendak bersihkan diri saya. Saya rela dihukum jika saya salah.

Yang penting bagi saya ialah apabila kita lakukan sesuatu yang salah, menuding jari tidak mendatangkan apa-apa faedah.

Yang penting ialah kita cuba betulkan keadaan. Dalam perkara ini pendapat saya ialah Dato Seri Abdullah perlu letak jawatan dengan sendirinya atau dia disingkir.

Kenyataan olehnya yang dia akan serahkan jawatan dalam parti dan Kerajaan pada bulan Jun 2010 disambut baik bahkan dengan gembira oleh hadirin serta orang ramai, Melayu dan bukan Melayu. Tiada siapa yang merayu supaya dia teruskan pimpinannya.

Dari ini agak jelas yang semua pihak hendak Dato Seri Abdullah letak jawatan. Tetapi meletak jawatan dua tahun dari sekarang bermakna penggantinya hanya mempunyai dua setengah tahun untuk pulihkan parti untuk hadapi Pilihanraya Umum ke-13. Masa ini terlalu singkat kerana kerosakan yang dibuat oleh Dato Seri Abdullah kepada UMNO, Barisan Nasional dan parti-parti komponennya amat teruk. Masa yang lebih panjang diperlukan.

Jika Dato Seri Abdullah benar-benar sayang kepada UMNO, dia harus rela korban dirinya untuk penggantinya berpeluang memulihkan UMNO. Alasannya yang dia ingin awasi pelaksanaan Rancangan Malaysia ke-9 tidak boleh diterima kerana sesungguhnya kehadirannya adalah sebab UMNO dan Barisan Nasional jadi lemah.

Saya terima saya bersalah kerana memilih Dato Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi sebagai pengganti saya. Sekarang saya menyesal kerana saya tidak sangka "Mr Clean" tidak begitu clean.

Saya percaya ahli UMNO dan pemimpin-pemimpin UMNO di semua peringkat yang marah saya tentu tidak ingin membuat kesalahan yang sama.

Hari ini yang berkuasa menggantikan Dato Seri Abdullah hanyalah ahli dan pemimpin-pemimpin UMNO.

Janganlah tunggu Pilihanraya Umum ke-13 untuk kalahkan BN dan UMNO supaya Dato Seri Abdullah jatuh. Yang salah bukan BN atau UMNO. Yang salah ialah Dato Seri Abdullah.

Jika ahli UMNO hendak melihat UMNO dan BN dipulih semula, paksalah Dato Seri Abdullah letak jawatan sekarang. Jangan calon Dato Seri Abdullah di peringkat cawangan atau bahagian.

Jika kerana cawangan dan bahagian mengizinkan Dato Seri Abdullah terus menjadi Presiden UMNO, yang salah ialah ahli UMNO sendiri.

Ahli UMNO akan bertanggungjawab terhadap kehancuran UMNO dan malapetaka yang akan timpa orang Melayu dan negara Malaysia. Yang akan hancur bersama ialah parti-parti komponen BN.

Setelah mengetahui kekalahan teruk yang menimpa UMNO dan BN di bawah kepimpinan Dato Seri Abdullah, UMNO masih kekalkan kepimpinannya, yang bertanggungjawab dan salah ialah ahli dan pemimpin-pemimpin UMNO sendiri.

Tuesday, July 22, 2008

MONEY - MORE WASTE AND LOSSES

As posted by Dr. Mahathir Mohamad at www.chedet.com on July 22, 2008 12:19 PM

The Government of Dato Seri Abdullah Badawi has lost billions of Ringgit by cancelling the bridge project to replace the causeway, postponing the double-tracking and electrification of the North-South railway and the sale of M.V. Agusta by Proton.

The Government had also wasted money - RM2 billion in Terengganu.

Thinking that he had the right to use Wang Ehsan, the royalty from Petronas to the State of Terengganu totalling more than five billion Ringgit over several years Dato Seri Abdullah together with Dato Seri Idris Jusoh, the former Menteri Besar of Terengganu went on a spending spree.

Without any proper study and planning, without bothering about the rules and regulations about how Government money should be allocated and used, Dato Seri Abdullah and Dato Seri Idris and their cronies spent huge sums of the "Wang Ehsan" on a theme park (Crystal Mosque), Monsoon Cup, development of Setiu etc etc. More than two billion Ringgit were poured into Terengganu.

Then in 2008, Barisan Nasional won and Abdullah happily decided to spend more of the Wang Ehsan on fancy projects.

Unfortunately the Sultan of Terengganu refused to have Idris Jusoh as Menteri Besar. It was a slap in the face fo Abdullah when he was forced to accept the Sultan's nominee as Menteri Besar.

This new Menteri Besar insisted that the royalty due to Terengganu should be paid to the State and the State should manage the fund.

This was as it should be. But the Menteri Besar insisted that what was spent before this in building the theme park, organising the Monsoon Cup etc worth about RM 2 billion was not from the royalty due to Terengganu. It was from Federal fund.

He demanded that the full amount of royalty over the years should be paid to Terengganu.

So RM2 billion of Federal funds have been expended on Terengganu, the richest State in Malaysia.

Failing this Terengganu has a court case initiated by the PAS Government which the BN State Government has not withdrawn.

The Federal Government will now have to find some RM5 billion to give to Terengganu. Where is this money going to come from? Obviously from the Federal Consolidated Fund.

Basically the Federal Government will lose RM5 billion because it had assumed that a tame Terengganu Menteri Besar would collaborate in some of the most wasteful projects for the State and the country.

I am told that a Disneyland designer was engaged to design the "Crystal Mosque" and theme park. Must cost a lot.

Some contractors made tons of money getting projects without proper processes.

Monday, July 21, 2008

Snippets - Reducing the burden

As posted by Dr. Mahathir Mohamad at www.chedet.com on July 21, 2008 1:09 PM

Recently the Star reported "Budget to help reduce burden".

The burden is of course the high cost (40 per cent increase) of oil which has triggered off an inflationary process with increases in the cost of everything.

Since the withdrawal of Government subsidy for oil and the resultant "burden" on the people the Government has been announcing numerous measures to lighten the burden. Mostly they take the form of rebates, reduced taxes and cutbacks.

The idea to withdraw the subsidy is of course to save Government money. But giving money back in one form or another would reduce the savings. If it is really substantial then would it not be better if the Government simply reduce the price increase of oil from 40 per cent to 30 per cent?

Better still, since Petronas' contribution to Government revenue is so big, why not reduce the price of oil further maybe to a 10 per cent increase and then gradually increase it. This would give people time to make adjustments. And maybe the wages and salaries can be adjusted upwards stage by stage.

If the Government really wants to reduce the burden of the people caused by the price of oil, it should really look at the whole economy and seek ways and means to reduce the burden, not piecemeal but in a comprehensive way.

Sorry. I know I am not in the Government, not even in UMNO.

Saturday, July 19, 2008

SALE OF AGUSTA BY PROTON

As posted by Dr. Mahathir Mohamad at www.chedet.com on July 19, 2008 10:40 AM

(versi Bahasa Malaysia di akhir artikel ini)

1. I must admit I have only a minute knowledge of company accounting. But I do know that creative accounting can make losses appear in the books as profit.

2. Whether the cost is sunk or not it still involves a cost in terms of real money (not figures in accounting books).

3. When the previous management of Proton bought 57 per cent of M.V.Agusta, they were fully aware of the financial problems of the company. Who would sell a company making tons of profit? If they would, the price would be beyond our reach.

4. The debts of M.V.Agusta were reduced after negotiation with the banks. The payment would be staggered.

5. The cost of the purchase of 57% was therefore 76 million Euro + 57 per cent of 107 million euro (of M.V. Agusta's debts).

6. Against this, Agusta had assets in land, building and stock worth 120 million Euro, of which 57 per cent or 68 million Euro would be Proton's share if they were to be disposed at that time.

7. Taking just the tangible value of M.V.Agusta, Proton owned 144 million Euros worth.

8. This is what Proton sold to Gevi SpA for 1 Euro, even if the loans are taken into account.

9. Writing down 107 million Euros of debt (of which Proton share would be 60 million Euros) and then making out that the 107 million Euros obligation would turn to extraordinary income simply by disposing M.V.Agusta for 1 Euro sounds like accounting shenanigan, something to hoodwink the minority shareholders with.

10. Even assuming that this accounting profit is real, Proton would still lose 144 million Euro - 107 Million Euro (as mentioned by a chedet.com respondent) = 37 million Euro (about RM190 million).

11. Whichever way you spin it, Proton lost money selling something it bought for 72 million Euro, for 1 Euro.

12. Why buy M.V.Agusta? Ask BMW and Harley-Davidson. They apparently believe Agusta is worth more than what Proton paid.

13. Buying technology is not the same as buying a whole manufacturing company inclusive of the people, the manufacturing capability, the design and research capability and the quality of the experience of one of the most modern motorcycle manufacturing company. M.V.Agusta is to motorcycles what Ferrari is to racing cars and sports cars. The brand name itself commands very high value.

14. Technology is not static. It has to be improved all the time. We need to keep up if we are to stay in the market. We need to develop and to learn how to continuously develop technology into the future. India bought Morris Oxford technology in 1956 and that car has not changed or improved till now, 2008. Only lately has India teamed up with Japanese industry to learn how modern cars are made.

15. Where the Italian failed was in management. Proton had experience in management. At that time Proton was a very successful and profitable company accumulating cash of RM4 billion. It built the most up-to-date plant in Tanjong Malim for RM1.8 billion without borrowing or injection of funds by the Government. It had more than RM2 billion cash in hand.

16. The Proton management was reasonably convinced it could turn around the company. It was prepared to inject working capital. I had faith in Proton under Tengku Mahaleel.

17. As for me, I was interested in bringing small engine technology into Malaysia. There was also the possibility of designing and producing a really cheap car, costing about 10 to 15 thousand ringgit, using motorcycle engines and composites. We could also possibly produce engines for generator sets, outboard engines and engines for grass cutters. But because the new management had no idea about utilising Agusta's expertise, the Indians are the people to produce the really cheap car.

18. Today Proton is but a shadow of its former self. It is not that it cannot compete but the importers of foreign cars are still not declaring their true value.

19. They set up companies in the United Kingdom or elsewhere, buy the cars and register them there and then re-export them as second hand cars to Malaysia. Naturally, the price is very low and the taxes paid are also low.

20. Proton should be able to compete if the competition is fair. But it is not.

21. I am told many of the experienced engineers of Proton have left.

22. Maybe Malaysians are proud to see Malaysia's fledging automotive industry go down. I don't know. I don't.

*****


PENJUALAN AGUSTA OLEH PROTON

1. Saya mengaku saya cuma mempunyai pengetahuan yang sedikit mengenai perakaunan syarikat. Tetapi saya tahu bahawa perakaunan kreatif boleh membuat kerugian diperlihatkan sebagai keuntungan didalam buku-buku akaun.

2. Samada kos itu tenggelam atau tidak ia masih melibatkan kos didalam bentuk wang yang nyata (bukan nombor-nombor yang terdapat didalam buku-buku akaun).

3. Apabila pentadbiran Proton yang lalu membeli 57% saham M.V. Agusta, mereka menyedari masalah kewangan yang dihadapi oleh syarikat tersebut. Siapakah yang akan menjual sebuah syarikat yang membuat keuntungan berlipat ganda? Jika mereka mahupun, harganya sudah pasti tidak dapat kita penuhi.

4. Hutang M.V. Agusta telah dikurangkan hasil perundingan dengan bank-bank. Pembayaran akan dibuat secara berkala.

5. Kos pembelian saham sebanyak 57% adalah 76 juta Euro + 57% dari 107 juta Euro (hutang M.V. Agusta).

6. Disamping itu, M.V. Agusta mempunyai aset didalam bentuk bangunan dan stok bernilai 120 juta Euro dan 57% dari itu adalah 68 juta Euro dan ini akan menjadi kepunyaan Proton jika dijual pada ketika itu.

7. Jika diambil nilai bolehkira M.V. Agusta sahaja, Proton memiliki 144 juta Euro.

8. Inilah apa yang telah dijual oleh Proton kepada Gevi SpA dengan harga 1 Euro, walaupun hutang-hutang itu diambilkira.

9. Menimbulkan mengenai hutang 107 juta Euro (dimana bahagian Proton adalah 60 juta Euro) dan kemudiannya memperlihatkan bahawa bebanan 107 juta Euro itu boleh berubah menjadi keuntungan yang luarbiasa cuma dengan menjual M.V.Agusta dengan harga 1 Euro kelihatan sebagai satu muslihat perakaunan, digunakan untuk menipu pemegang saham minoriti.

10. Katakanlah keuntungan yang diperlihatkan oleh cara perakaunan ini adalah benar, Proton masih lagi kerugian 144 juta Euro - 107 juta Euro (seperti yang disebutkan oleh pengulas chedet.com) = 37 juta Euro (kira-kira RM 190 juta).

11. Cara mana sekalipun diputar, Proton mengalami kerugian apabila menjual dengan 1 Euro sesuatu yang dibelinya dengan harga 76 juta Euro.

12. Mengapa beli M.V.Agusta? Tanyalah BMW dan Harley-Davidson. Mereka kelihatannya percaya nilai M.V.Agusta itu lebih tinggi daripada apa yang dibayar oleh Proton.

13. Pembelian teknologi tidak sama dengan pembelian keseluruhan syarikat pengeluaran termasuk pekerjanya, keupayaan pengeluaran, keupayaan rekabentuk dan penyelidikan dan kualiti daripada pengalaman salah satu syarikat pengeluaran motorsikal yang paling moden. M.V.Agusta untuk motorsikal adalah seumpama Ferrari untuk kereta lumba dan kereta sport. Namanya (brand) sahaja pun mempunyai nilai yang amat tinggi.

14. Teknologi bukanlah sesuatu yang statik. Ianya perlu ditingkatkan sepanjang masa. Kita perlu mempunyai keupayaan menaikkan teknologi sepanjang masa. jika kita mahu terus berada didalam pasaran. Kita perlu berkembang dan belajar bagaimana mahu berkembang di masa akan datang. India membeli teknologi Morris Oxford pada tahun 1956 dan kereta itu tidak berubah mahupun ditingkatkan sehingga kini, tahun 2008. Cuma mutakhir ini India bekerjasama dengan industri Jepun untuk belajar bagaimana kereta moden dibuat.

15. Orang Itali telah gagal didalam pengurusannya. Proton mempunyai pengalaman di dalam pengurusan. Pada ketika itu Proton adalah sebuah syarikat yang amat berjaya dan mempunyai keuntungan yang banyak dengan wang tunai terkumpul sebanyak 4 billion ringgit. Ia telah membina di Tanjong Malim sebuah kilang yang paling canggih bernilai 1.8 billion ringgit yang dibina tanpa meminjam mahupun mendapat suntikan dana daripada Kerajaan. Tunai di tangan melebihi RM2bilion.

16. Pengurusan Proton agak berkeyakinan yang ia boleh memulihkan syarikat tersebut. Ia bersedia untuk menyuntik modal pusingan. Saya mempunyai keyakinan terhadap Proton dibawah Tengku Mahaleel.

17. Bagi pihak saya, saya berminat untuk membawa teknologi enjin berkuasa kecil ke Malaysia. Terdapat kemungkinan merekabentuk serta mengeluarkan kereta yang benar-benar murah, berharga sekitar RM10 ribu hingga RM15 ribu dengan menggunakan enjin motorsikal dan komposit. Kita juga mungkin dapat mengeluarkan enjin untuk generator set, outboard dan mesin potong rumput. Tetapi, pengurusan yang baru tidak ada dayafikir untuk menggunakan kepakaran M.V. Agusta, akibatnya India yang berjaya mengeluarkan kereta yang murah.

18. Hari ini Proton tidak lagi gah seperti dahulu. Ini bukan kerana ianya tidak berkeupayaan untuk bersaing dengan kereta luar yang diimport tetapi kerana pengimport kereta asing masih tidak isytihar nilai sebenar.

19. Mereka menubuhkan syarikat di United Kingdom dan tempat lain, membeli kereta-kereta dan mendaftar kereta-kereta disana dan kemudiannya mengeksport semula kereta-kereta itu sebagai kereta terpakai ke Malaysia. Sudah pasti harganya rendah dan cukai yang dibayar turut rendah.

20. Proton sepatutnya boleh bersaing jika persaingan itu adil. Tetapi keadaannya tidak sedemikian.

21. Saya diberitahu ramai jurutera-jurutera yang berpengalaman telah meninggalkan Proton.

22. Mungkin ramai rakyat Malaysia merasa bangga melihat industri otomotif negara yang masih muda ini hancur. Saya tidak tahu. Tetapi saya tidak.

Thursday, July 17, 2008

THE ANWAR DEBATE

As posted by Dr. Mahathir Mohamad at www.chedet.com on July 17, 2008 3:18 PM

(versi Bahasa Malaysia di akhir artikel ini)

1. I must congratulate the Government of Dato' Seri Abdullah Badawi for allowing the debate between the Opposition and the Government, specifically between Dato' Seri Anwar Ibrahim and Dato Shabery Cheek.

2. It was not an even match. Shabery is far too inexperienced in a field that Anwar excels i.e. talking. The subject naturally puts the Government on the defensive.

3. Shabery's reference to what Anwar said about me in the past undermined Anwar's credibility somewhat. But it was obvious that Shabery was nervous.

4. As I said, Anwar can be convincing in his arguments especially with those who want to believe in him. The Western Press has already concluded that this accusation against Anwar is the same old political plot to prevent him from becoming the Prime Minister on Sept 16th (Malaysia Day).

5. The last time it was I who was the prime mover. Dato' Seri Abdullah has denied he is involved this time, but the Western Press and the American friends of Anwar will not be convinced and will not let him get off the hook.

6. Yet can it be that the present Government is so stupid and unimaginative as to use the same "ploy", especially after it was so happy over the release of Anwar? Surely it could come up with another story which would be more credible if it is deliberately plotting or conspiring against Anwar. The probability is that the story is the same because it is genuine.

7. Is the present complainant a copycat? Hardly likely. Few would care to make public such a very shameful thing as being sodomised. In fact, the last time at least two people came to see me claiming they were sodomised by Anwar. But they were unwilling to make a report or be witnesses in court. One of them, however, did see the imam of Masjid Negara (now Member of Parliament for PAS), to seek advise on the religious angle.

8. There are certain habits which are not easy to be rid off. Habitual smokers will tell you that. So will drug addicts.

9. It is of course up to the courts to decide i.e. if this case finally reaches the court. The court may find Anwar guilty. In which case he would appeal to even higher courts and even to special courts, which can be set up for him.

10. If he could make out that Saiful is a willing partner, then as in the case of Azizan, Saiful's claims would not be regarded as proof beyond doubt. Anwar would be let off.

11. Anwar has practically refused to swear on the Quran on his claim to be innocent. But Saiful is quite willing to do so in a mosque witnessed by religious people.

12. But a certain Mufti is opposed to this. If a person is innocent why shouldn't he swear and clear his name.

13. The reference made to "qazaf" or malediction is a red herring. It is a threat levelled at the accuser that if he cannot provide the necessary witnesses then he can be accused of "fitnah" and punished by whipping.

14. There is in the Quran a lot of stress on justice. Repeatedly (at least 43 verses), the Quran enjoins that "when ye judge, judge with justice".

15. The syariah is not just about the procedures when making judgement and the punishment that is to be meted out. The syariah laws are meant to ensure that justice is done. It would be invidious if the victim is punished (because he cannot find four witnesses to the act) while the assailant is let off scott-free. It would be a gross injustice. It cannot be that Islamic Law disregards justice and is only concerned with trial and punishment.

16. In the Quran it is related that Zulaikha who was infatuated with the Prophet Yusof was considered to be chasing after Yusof because Yusof's shirt was torn at the back.

17. Clearly the Quran accepts circumstantial evidence even if unverified by witnesses. This is because Islam places a high value on justice. The processes involved in making a judgement is in order to achieve justice. The processes cannot be invoked in order to spike justice.

18. So Anwar should not try to escape justice by involving qazaf. He may try to do it with man made laws but he should not use the laws of Allah to achieve injustice. It is not Islamic and it is sinful.


*****


DEBAT ANWAR

1. Saya harus mengucapkan tahniah kepada Kerajaan pimpinan Dato' Seri Abdullah Badawi kerana membenarkan debat antara Pembangkang dan Kerajaan, khususnya antara Dato' Seri Anwar Ibrahim dan Dato' Shabery Cheek.

2. Ia bukanlah satu pertandingan yang adil. Shabery sangat kurang pengalaman didalam bidang yang mana Anwar adalah jaguh iaitu bercakap. Perkara yang didebatkan pula sudah pasti meletakkan Kerajaan didalam keadaan tertekan.

3. Apabila Shabery menimbulkan apa yang telah dikatakan oleh Anwar mengenai saya pada masa lampau, ianya telah sedikit sebanyak menjejaskan kredibiliti Anwar. Tetapi adalah jelas bahawa Shabery gementar.

4. Sebagaimana yang saya katakan, Anwar boleh meyakinkan terutama kepada mereka yang mahu mempercayainya. Media Barat telah membuat kesimpulan bahawa tuduhan terhadap Anwar kali ini adalah sama dengan agenda politik yang lama yang dibuat untuk menghalangnya menjadi Perdana Menteri.

5. Pada masa lalu saya adalah sasaran utama. Dato' Seri Abdullah telah menafikan pembabitannya kali ini tetapi media Barat dan teman-teman Anwar dari Amerika tidak dapat diyakinkan dan akan terus mengaitkan Abdullah.

6. Tetapi, adakah Kerajaan sekarang sebegitu bodoh dan tidak mempunyai daya imaginasi untuk menggunakan "taktik" yang sama terutamanya memandang kepada sikapnya yang kritikal terhadap Kerajaan dahulu? Pastinya ia mampu untuk menggunakan cerita lain yang lebih meyakinkan jika ia memang merancang ataupun berkonspirasi terhadap Anwar. Ada kebarangkalian bahawa ceritanya sama kerana ianya benar.

7. Mungkinkah pihak yang membuat lapuran kali ini seorang yang cuba meniru? Agak mustahil. Tidak ramai yang sanggup kehadapan dan mengumumkan sesuatu yang amat mengaibkan seperti kena liwat. Sebenarnya, dalam peristiwa yang lalu, sekurang-kurangnya dua orang menemui saya dan membuat pengakuan mereka telah diliwat oleh Anwar. Tetapi mereka tidak sanggup membuat lapuran ataupun menjadi saksi dimahkamah. Bagaimanapun, seorang dari mereka telah pergi menemui Imam Masjid Negara (sekarang ini ahli parliamen PAS) untuk mendapatkan nasihat dari sudut agama.

8. Ada beberapa tabiat yang sukar untuk dibuang. Perokok tegar akan menyatakan sedemikian. Begitu juga penagih dadah.

9. Sudah pasti ini tergantung kepada mahkamah untuk menentukan dan inipun jika kes ini akhirnya sampa kemahkamah. Mahkamah mungkin mendapati Anwar bersalah. Dia kemudiannya boleh merayu kepada mahkamah yang lebih tinggi malahan kemahkamah-mahkamah khas yang diadakan untuknya.

10. Jika dia berjaya membuat Saiful kelihatan sebagai pasangan yang rela seperti didalam kes Azizan, maka kenyataan Saiful tidak boleh dianggap sebagai bukti yang tidak dapat dipertikaikan. Anwar akan dibebaskan.

11. Anwar telah menolak untuk bersumpah diatas Quran untuk membuktikan dirinya tidak bersalah. Tetapi Saiful sanggup untuk melakukannya didalam masjid dan disaksikan oleh alim ulamak.

12. Tetapi ada seorang Mufti yang menentang cadangan ini. Jika seseorang itu tidak bersalah mengapa dia tidak boleh bersumpah untuk membersihkan namanya.

13. Menimbulkan isu "qazaf" hanyalah bertujuan untuk megalihkan tumpuan. Ianya satu ugutan terhadap sipenuduh iaitu jika dia tidak dapat mengemukakan saksi-saksi dianya akan dituduh melakukan fitnah dan akan dihukum sebat.

14. Didalam Quran terdapat banyak penekanan terhadap keadilan. Berulangkali (sekurang-kurangnya 43 ayat) didalam Quran menyeru "bila kamu menghukum, hukumlah dengan adil."

15. Syariah itu bukanlah sekadar proses membuat penghakiman dan menjatuhkan hukuman. Undang-undang syariah bertujuan untuk memastikan keadilan dilaksanakan. Akan menjadi satu ketidakadilan jika orang yang menjadi mangsa dihukum (kerana gagal mengemukakan empat orang saksi) manakala orang yang melakukan penganiayaan lepas bebas. Ini adalah satu ketidakadilan yang ketara. Pastinya tidak mungkin undang-undang Islam mengabaikan keadilan dan cuma tumpu kepada perbicaraan dan hukuman.

16. Diriwayatkan didalam Quran mengenai Zulaikha yang cintanya kepada Nabi Yusof dan dianya dipercayai mengejar Yusof kerana baju Yusof koyak dibahagian belakang.

17. Amat jelas Quran menerima bukti-bukti bersandarkan kepada keadaan (circumstantial evidence) walaupun tidak disokong oleh saksi-saksi. Ini kerana Islam meletakkan nilai yang tinggi kepada keadilan. Proses yang diambil didalam membuat sesuatu penghakiman adalah untuk memastikan keadilan tercapai. Proses itu tidak boleh disalahgunakan dan diperalatkan untuk menyekat keadilan.

18. Kerana itu Anwar tidak harus mengelakkan diri dari diadili dengan menimbulkan soal qazaf. Dia mungkin boleh mencuba melakukannya dengan undang-undang buatan manusia tetapi dia tidak harus menggunakan hukum Allah untuk mencapai ketidakadilan. Ianya melanggar lunas Islam dan ini adalah berdosa.

Wednesday, July 16, 2008

PROTON AND THE SALE OF M.V. AGUSTA

As posted by Dr. Mahathir Mohamad at www.chedet.com on July 16, 2008 6:22 PM

It is shocking to still hear that Proton made a profit by selling M.V. Agusta which it bought for 70 million Euro and sold for one Euro.

The buyer, Gevi Spa did take over the debt of M.V. Agusta but Proton's share of the debt is 57 per cent i.e. 57 per cent of the total debt of 107 million Euro or 61 million Euro.

But M.V. Agusta also had assets in the form of;

1) factories/land/building (80 million Euro - not revalued)

2) stocks/finished products (40 million Euro)

Total is 120 million Euro.

Proton's share of these assets would be 57 per cent of 120 million Euro or 68.4 million Euro.

When Gevi Spa sold M.V. Agusta's Husqvarna division for 92 million Euro it is not known how much of the debt was taken over.

But Harley Davidson bought Cagiva, an Agusta brand motorcycle and M.V. Agusta for 70 million Euro together with debt of 45 million Euro i.e. the puchase cost by Harley Davidson is really 115 million Euro.

So how much did Proton lose?

It lost 70 million Euro in purchase price and 68.4 million Euro in assets.

By buying M.V. Agusta together with debt and assets for one Euro and selling the company, assets and debts for Euro 92 million + 70 million + 45 million (debt), Gevi Spa made a profit of 207 million Euro.

Basically Proton lost this money by selling at one Euro.

At 5.13 Ringgit to one Euro, Proton lost one billion and sixty-one million Ringgit (1,061,000,000 Ringgit).

At the time when I queried why the Securities Commission did not investigate this loss, I was told the sum was small by comparison to Proton's value and the management had every right to lose this money. The minority shareholders did not lose anything.

For reasons which I cannot understand the minority shareholders actually did not complain. I am not a shareholder but I complained because the deal questioned my integrity and that of Tengku Mahaleel, the CEO.

The Government talks about going for the big fish in our campaign against corruption.

Are people who deliberately lose RM 1 billion small fish or big fish?

If indeed we have an independent Anti-Corruption Agency, shouldn't it institute a full investigation of this case?

I am told Credit Suisse First Boston advised the management to sell at one Euro. And the chairman did not examine the advise carefully and implemented it.

Both the CSFB and the chairman should be investigated for a very shady deal especially as the buyer was not a welll-known automotive company but an unknown and unlisted company.

Could somebody mysterious be behind Gevi Spa?

The stench is very bad.

Tuesday, July 15, 2008

Snippets - Kalau Kurang Percaya

As posted by Dr. Mahathir Mohamad at www.chedet.com on July 15, 2008 2:44 PM

From The Times

July 12, 2008

Harley-Davidson drives to snap up MV Augusta

http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/business/industry_sectors/engineering/article4319192.ece


It's 99 sen now!

I have been told the promotion for the 9 sen bus fare between Kuala Lumpur and the KLIA Low Cost Carrier Terminal had ended on July 8 with 26,000 seats sold. However, the same bus company is now offering 99 sen per passenger up to July 22nd and bookings can be made through a certain low cost carrier website.

The management of the company claims that at 9 sen per person they were still making a profit. Air Asia and Malaysia Airlines actually offers free seats to passengers and obviously they are not losing money doing so.

Snippets - Birthday, Road Transport, Blocks & M.V. Agusta

Posted by Dr. Mahathir Mohamad at www.chedet.com on July 14, 2008 6:15 PM

Birthday

1. I would like to thank everyone for the Birthday Greetings on my 83rd Birthday. It is very heartwarming that so many know about my real birthday and remember to send greetings.

2. My official birthday is 20th December 1925. My father registered that date for all his sons so that there would be no hassles when registering for entry into schools. He was a teacher and knew all about the difficulties.

3. So please do forget my official birthday i.e. December 20. My real birthday make me five months older.


Road Transport

1. The Road Transport Department wants to suspend the permits of express bus operators who increase fares without approval.

2. With petrol prices so high, car-owners are resorting to public transport. We can expect more people than before to travel by bus.

3. If bus operators are suspended then increased demand will be met with decreased supply. I wonder if anyone thought about this. Or will there be a flop after the flip.


Blocks

1. Today the police have set up road blocks to prevent a public rally.

2. I do not blame the police for doing this. It is their job.

3. But thousands of cars would be burning costly fuel as they inch their way forward to pass the block.

4. We need to check not just the passenger cars but also the buses and the trains. They are unusually crowded now. They provide loopholes for determined demonstrators.

5. Talking about transport, I think people should know of a bus company in Kuala Lumpur which charges 9 cents (nine cents) per passenger between Kuala Lumpur and the Low Cost Terminal in KLIA. And it is making profit from this operation. Maybe other bus companies can learn something.


M.V. Agusta

1. Proton bought this Italian motorcycle maker for 70 million Euro (about RM350 million).

2. Its savvy management sold it for 1 Euro (RM5) to an unknown company in Italy.

3. Some months ago Husqvarna, a division of M.V. Agusta which manufactures scrambler sporty off-road motorcycles was sold to a German company, BMW for 90 million Euro (RM450 million). Now the rest of M.V. Agusta has been bought by Harley-Davidson Motor Cycles of the United States for RM350 million.

4. So Proton lost approximately RM800 million selling M.V. Agusta for RM5. The buyer invested one Euro and made 160 million Euro.

5. Do we need a Royal Commission to look into this or should the ACA investigate this matter particularly the role of Credit Suisse who was paid a huge consultancy fee to advise Proton's management who executed it.

6. Or maybe we do not mind losing RM800 million because we have so much money.

Sunday, July 13, 2008

PERALIHAN KEPIMPINAN

Posted by Dr. Mahathir Mohamad at www.chedet.com on July 13, 2008 3:10 PM

Saya percaya ramai daripada ahli UMNO dan orang ramai juga berasa lega apabila Dato Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi mengisytiharkan yang dianya akan letak jawatan sebagai Presiden UMNO dan Perdana Menteri pada Jun 2010. Pengisytiharannya di hadapan pemimpin-pemimpin UMNO dari seluruh Negara disambut dengan tepukan gemuruh.

Dia juga memilih Dato Seri Najib Tun Razak sebagai penggantinya.

Saya tidak hendak pertikai samada ini menurut tradisi UMNO atau tidak. Tetapi saya ingin tarik perhatian kepada keadaan dalam parti UMNO, parti Barisan Nasional dan Negara menjelang pilihanraya ke-13 hanya empat setengah tahun lagi.

Umum tahu bahawa UMNO, BN dan parti-parti komponennya sudah rosak teruk dan tidak mendapat kepercayaan daripada rakyat lagi setelah lima tahun Dato Seri Abdullah menerajui Parti dan Kerajaan. Buktinya ialah kekalahan teruk BN dalam Pilihanraya Umum ke-12, 2008. Belum pernah BN kalah sebegini dalam sebelas Pilihanraya Umum yang terdahulu, termasuk pada tahun 1969.

Kerja untuk memulihkan parti-parti dan kepercayaan rakyat sebelum Pilihanraya Umum ke-13 memerlukan masa yang panjang. Masa yang ada hanyalah empat setengah tahun jika tidak kurang daripada itu.

Kenyataan yang dibuat oleh Dato Seri Abdullah bermakna dalam masa yang singkat ini, walaupun Dato Seri Najib mengambilalih pada Jun 2010; UMNO, BN dan Kerajaan akan dipimpin oleh dua pemimpin, masing-masing dengan masalah masing-masing dalam hanya dua setengah tahun bagi tiap satu.

Masa ini terlalu singkat untuk berusaha memulih semula parti BN, UMNO, MCA, MIC, Gerakan, PPP dan lain-lain. Sesungguhnya selain daripada parti-parti di Sabah dan Sarawak semua parti BN di Semenanjung telah ditolak oleh rakyat dan perlu rawatan luar biasa.

Keadaan politik dan peristiwa selepas Pilihanraya Umum ke-12 bergolak dan tidak menentu. Sebenarnya kurang kepercayaan keapada BN menambah kerana mesej rakyat kepada pemimpin tertinggi Kerajaan tidak dipedulikan olehnya. Pemimpin ini ternampak khayal dan berada dalam keadaan menidakkan kenyataan.

Dengan Dato Seri Abdullah menerus kepimpinannya hingga Jun 2010, pemulihan tidak dapat dimulakan kerana beliau tidak faham kehendak rakyat - iaitu beliau berhenti daripada mengepalai parti dan Kerajaan.

Jika Dato Seri Najib ambil alih pada Jun 2010 dia hanya mempunyai dua setengah tahun untuk pulihkan UMNO, pulihkan BN dan menolong memulih parti-parti komponen dalam BN.

Kerja ini bukan mudah. Ia berkehendakkan Dato Seri Najib dan semua pemimpin UMNO dan BN turun padang untuk menjelaskan tindakan yang akan diambil oleh mereka untuk memperbaiki kerosakan dalam parti-parti mereka dan pemerintahan yang dilakukan oleh Dato Seri Abdullah.

Dimasa yang sama mereka perlu bertindak untuk memulih ekonomi Negara. Dalam tiga empat tahun yang menyusul ekonomi dunia akan alami huru-hara kerana kenaikan harga minyak, bahan mentah dan makanan. Amerika Syarikat akan terus menghadapi krisis kewangan disebabkan hutang Amerika Syarikat yang tidak dapat dibayar dan kemelesetan ekonominya.

Dalam Negara inflasi luar biasa akan berlaku disertai oleh pengangguran yang tinggi. Perniagaan runcit dan industri perkhidmatan akan tergugat. Kenaikan harga barang dan makanan akan diikuti dengan lebih ramai kes muflis dan penutupan perniagaan.

Semua ini perlu ditangani oleh Dato Seri Najib dan anggota Kabinet daripada BN dalam dua setengah tahun. Ini tidak boleh jadi kerja sambilan. Ia berkehendak tumpuan sepenuh masa.

Apakah Dato Seri Najib mampu menangani semua masalah-masalah ini disamping memulihkan parti-parti? Sebenarnya kredibiliti Dato Seri Najib telah banyak merosot sejak dia menjadi Timbalan Perdana Menteri dibawah pimpinan Dato Seri Abdullah.

Dahulu Dato Seri Najib merupakan bintang yang gemilang di antara Menteri-Menteri Kabinet. Tetapi oleh kerana dia tunduk rendah kepada Dato Seri Abdullah, dengan selalunya mengia apa sahaja yang dikata dan dibuat oleh Dato Seri Abdullah, pandangan tinggi rakyat kepadanya sudah jatuh merudum. Dia perlu masa untuk memperbaiki semula imejnya. Jika daripada sekarang hingga Jun 2010 dia masih dilihat sebagai "Mr Yes" yang utama, mustahil dia akan dapat pulih imejnya.

Kenyataannya yang dia berasa terharu kerana kepercayaan Dato Seri Abdullah kepadanya tidak meyakinkan sesiapa yang dia boleh ubah sikapnya. Dia akan dilihat sebagai pemimpin yang lemah yang mudah dikongkong oleh Dato Seri Abdullah. Apakah ada jaminan yang dia akan dapat bebaskan dirinya daripada Dato Seri Abdullah setelah mengambil alih? Sukar bagi kita mempercayai yang dia mampu.

Di masa yang sama banyak tuduhan yang dilemparkan terhadapnya.

Dalam keadaan ini pemulihan UMNO, BN, MCA , MIC, Gerakan dan PPP tidak mungkin dijayakan sebelum Pilihanraya Umum ke-13.

Dato Seri Abdullah harus tahu bahawa akhirnya rakyat yang akan menentukan siapa menang dan siapa kalah.

Hari ini Dato Seri Abdullah boleh paksa, ugut, sogok ahli dan pemimpin UMNO untuk ikut kehendaknya, untuk sokong apa sahaja yang dikatakan olehnya, atau yang dibuat olehnya.

Tetapi seperti pada Pilihanraya Umum ke-12, ahli UMNO dan BN, penyokong biasa UMNO dan BN dan mereka yang secara terbuka pandang jijik kepada kepimpinannya akan tolak UMNO dan BN.

Percayalah jika UMNO dan BN hendak dipulih supaya tidak kalah lebih teruk dalam Pilihanraya Umum ke-13 berbanding Pilihanraya Umum ke-12 Dato Seri Abdullah perlu letak jawatan sekarang juga.

Biarlah ada pertandingan untuk jawatan-jawatan presiden, timbalan presiden dan lain-lain dalam Mesyuarat Agong Disember ini.

Siapa juga yang dipilih hendaklah diasingkan daripada Dato Seri Abdullah supaya pengaruhnya dan ketamakan konco-konconya tidak lagi dapat merosakkan Negara.

Apabila ini berlaku maka kepemimpinan baru dan seluruh jentera parti boleh digerak dengan semangat yang baru untuk berusaha menarik balik ahli dan penyokong yang telah undi parti lawan atau merosakkan undi pada Pilihanraya Umum ke-12.

Kerajaan perlu disusun semula supaya dapat menghadapi dan mengatasi masalah ketidakstabilan politik, masalah ekonomi yang telah rosak dan tekanan politik dan ekonomi dari luar negeri.

Ahli UMNO yang sudah di sedapkan oleh kenyataan Dato Seri Abdullah perlu fikir dengan mendalam.

Jika kerana diri sendiri hendak senang Parti UMNO biar dihancurkan, generasi sekarang dan akan datang akan kutuk kamu. Janganlah kerana duit RM100, kain pulikat dan sejadah, bangsa sendiri dijual.

Janganlah utamakan kepentingan diri, keinginan untuk jadi menteri, untuk mendapat kontrak bagi diri sendiri, maka bangsa dan maruah dijual.

Ingatlah beberapa Menteri Besar yang begitu yakin mereka akan terus jadi MB, akan terus mengagih peluang jadi Exco, peluang untuk kekayaan dan dengan itu menyatakan dengan kuat sokongan mereka kepada Dato Seri Abdullah, Presiden UMNO, hari ini jadi ketua pembangkang, terpaksa tinggal mahligai mereka dan tidak boleh beri gula-gula kepada yang mencium tangan mereka.

Dan Dato Seri Abdullah sendiri harus ingat parti lawan hanya memerlukan 30 kerusi sahaja lagi untuk menang pilihanraya. Sokongan oleh ahli yang setia secara buta tuli tidak mencukupi untuk menang. Sokongan penyokong yang bukan ahli diperlukan.

Di masa yang sama jikalau calon-calon parti komponen tidak menang kerana orang Cina dan India tidak suka pada Dato Seri, justeru itu menolak MCA, MIC, Gerakan dan PPP, BN tidak akan menang Pilihanraya Umum ke-13, Dato Seri tidak akan dapat memberi gula-gula lagi.

Ingatlah kalau UMNO kalah Pilihanraya Umum ke-13, ia tidak akan kembali berkuasa walau siapa pun yang memimpinnya.

Sedarlah akan hakikat ini semua. Jika Dato Seri kalah, UMNO dan BN kalah, generasi ini dan akan datang akan kutuk Dato Seri, pemimpin dan ahli-ahli UMNO.

Saturday, July 12, 2008

THE MALAYSIAN SOCIAL CONTRACT

Posted by Dr. Mahathir Mohamad at www.chedet.com on July 12, 2008 11:27 AM

(Versi Bahasa Malaysia di akhir artikel ini)

1. Before there was Malaya and Malaysia the peninsular was known as Tanah Melayu, or Malay Land.

2. Saying this alone would result in accusations of being racist.

3. But I need to go back in history if I am going to be able to explain about Malaysia's social contract.

4. Through treaties signed by the Rulers of the Malay States of the Peninsular the British acquired the right to rule the Malay States. These treaties obviously recognised and legitimised the States as Malay States. No one disputed this. Even the aborogines accepted this as shown by their submission to the rule of the Malay Sultans.

5. Initially the peoples living in the States were divided into indigenous Malays and aborogines who were subjects of the Malay rulers and foreign guests who were not subjects of the rulers. There were no citizenship or documents about citizenship status as in most countries.

6. The foreign guests prospered in the British ruled Malay States and in the British colonies of Penang, Malacca and Singapore. The Malay subjects of the Rulers and the Rulers themselves did not feel threatened by the numbers of these non-Malays and the disparities between the general wealth and progress of the foreign guests and the subjects of the Rulers. They did not think that the foreigners who had settled in the country would ever demand citizenship rights.

7. When Japan conquered the Malay States and the colonies of the Straits Settlements, the Chinese felt insecure as the Japanese were their historical enemies.

8. Many Chinese formed and joined guerilla forces and disappeared into the jungle. When Japan surrendered the Chinese guerillas came out and seized many police stations in the interior and declared that they were the rulers of the country. They seized many people, Chinese and Malays and executed a number of them.

9. Malay villagers retaliated by killing the Chinese in the rural areas. Tension rose and a Sino-Malay war was only averted because of the arrival of British forces. But the ill feeling and animosity between the two races remained high.

10. It was in this tensed situation that the British proposed the Malayan Union which would give the "guests" the right of citizenship as indistinguishable from that of the Malays.

11. The Malays rejected the Malayan Union and its citizenship proposal. They forced the British to return to the status quo ante in a new Federation of Malaya.

12. Only Chinese who were British subjects in the colonies of the Straits Settlements were eligible to become citizens in this new Federation. Naturally the Malay citizens far outnumbered the Chinese Malayan citizens.

13. Chinese leaders appealed to the British, who then persuaded the UMNO President, Dato Onn Jaafar to propose to open UMNO to all races. This proposal was rejected by the other UMNO leaders and Dato Onn had to resign.

14. The British kept up the pressure for the Malays to be more liberal with citizenship for non-Malays.

15. Tunku Abdul Rahman, the President of UMNO decided on a coalition with MCA (Malaysian Chinese Association) and the MIC (Malaysian Indian Congress). In the 1955 elections to the Federal Legislative Assembly, since there were very few constituencies with Chinese or Indian majorities, the MCA and MIC partners had to put up candidates in Malay majority constituencies after UMNO undertook not to contest in these constituencies but to support MCA Chinese and MIC Indian candidates instead.

16. Such was the support of the Malays for the MCA and MIC alliance candidates that they won even against Malay candidates from PAS. The MCA and MIC candidates all won. Only UMNO lost one constituency against PAS.

17. The Tunku as Chief Minister of a self-governing Federation of Malaya then decided to go for independence. The British continued to inisist on citizenship rights for the Chinese and Indians as a condition for giving independence.

18. To overcome British resistance to independence and to gain the support of the Chinese and Indians, the Tunku decided to give one million citizenship to the two communities based purely on residence. One notable new citizen was (Tun) Leong Yew Koh, a former general in the Chinese National Army who was later appointed Governor of Malacca.

19. It was at this stage that the leaders of the three communal parties who had formed the Government of self-governing British Federation of Malaya, discussed and reached agreement on the relationship between the three communities in an independent Federation of Malaya.

20. It was to be a quid pro quo arrangement. In exchange for the one million citizenships the non-Malays must recognise the special position of the Malays as the indigenous people. Certain laws such as the pre-eminence of Islam as the state religion, the preservation of Malay reserve land, the position of the Malay Rulers and Malay customs and the distribution of Government jobs were included in the understanding.

21. On the question of national language it was agreed that Malay would be the national language. English should be the second language. The Chinese and Indians could continue to use their own languages but not in official communication.

22. Chinese and Tamil primary schools can use their languages as teaching media. They can also be used in secondary schools but these have to be private schools.

23. For their part the Chinese and Indian leaders representing their parties and communities demanded that their citizenship should be a right which could not be annulled, that they should retain their language, religion and culture, that as citizens they should have political rights as accorded to all citizens.

24. Much of these agreements and understandings are reflected in the Federal Constitution of Independent Malaya. For everything that is accorded the Malays, there is always a provision for non-Malays. Few ever mention this fact. The only thing that attracts everyone's attention and made a subject of dispute is what is accorded the Malays and other indigenous people.

25. Thus although Malay is to be the National Language, Chinese and Tamil can be used freely and in the Chinese and Tamil schools. In no other country has there been a similar provision. Even the most liberal countries do not have this constitutional guarantee.

26. The national language is to be learnt by everyone so that Malayan citizens can communicate with each other everywhere.

27. It was understood also that the Chinese language referred in the understanding were the Chinese dialects spoken in Malaysia, not the national language of China. Similarly for Malayan Indians the language was Tamil, not Hindi or Urdu or whatever became the national language of India. However, the Chinese educationists later insisted that the Chinese language must be the national language of China i.e. Mandarin.

28. The official religion is Islam but other religions may be practised by their adherents without any restriction. As the official religion, Islam would receive Government support. Nothing was said about support for the other religions. The non-Malays did not press this point and the Federal Constitution does not mention Government support for the other religions. Nevertheless such support have been given.

29. A quota was fixed for the Malayan Civil Service wherein the Malays would get four posts for every one given to Chinese or Indians. However it was recognised that the professional post would be open to all races as it was never thought possible there would be enough Malays to take up these posts.

30. The result was that in the early years of independence there were more non-Malays in Division 1 than Malays.

31. The Agong or the Rulers of the States should determine quotas of scholarships and licences for Malays. But no one should be deprived of whatever permits or licences in order to give to Bumiputras.

32. The position of the Malay Rulers was entrenched and could not be challenged. There would be a Paramount Ruler chosen from among the nine Rulers who would serve for five years.

33. The rulers were to be constitutional rulers. Executive power was to be exercised by elected Menteris Besar, Ketua Menteri (Chief Minister) and Prime Minister, assisted by members of councils and cabinets. The British practice was to be the model.

34. The most important understanding was the adoption of Parliamentary Democracy with a Constitutional Monarch, again after the United Kingdom model. It should be remembered that the British imposed an authoritarian colonial Government on the Malay State, the power resting with the Colonial Office in London.

35. Before these the Malay States were feudal with the Malay Rulers enjoying near absolute power. Only the elites played a role in State politics. The Malay subjects had no political rights at all. Certainly the guests had no say in politics. Even the Chinese and Indian British citizens had no say though they may be appointed as Municipal or Legislative Councillors.

36. The decision to adopt a democratic system of Government was a radical step in the governance of the Federation of Malaya and of the Malay States. This was agreed to by the leaders of the three major communities as represented by their political parties i.e. UMNO, MCA and MIC. There can be no doubt that these parties represented the vast majority of the three communities in Malaya. The Communists and the other leftists did not signify their agreement to the understanding.

37. The Reid Commission was briefed on all these agreements and understanding so that they will be reflected in the Constitution to be drawn up. All the three parties approved this Constitution after several amendments were made. In effect the Constitution became a contract binding on all the three communities in the Federation of Malaya upon attaining independence in 1957.

38. When Sabah and Sarawak joined the Peninsular States to form Malaysia the social contract was extended to the two Borneo States. The natives of Sabah and Sarawak were given the same status as the Malays. At this time the word Bumiputra was introduced to distinguish the indigenous Malays and Sabah, Sarawak natives from those descendants of foreign immigrants. Because Malay was widely used in the Borneo States there was no difficulty in the acceptance of Malay as the national language. The fact that the natives of the two states are not all Muslims necessitated no change in the Constitution once the word Bumiputra was accepted. But the official definition of a Malay remained.

39. The embodiment of the social contract is therefore the Constitution of first, the Federation of Malaya and then Malaysia.

40. To say it does not exist is to deny the contents of the Constitution which was based upon the acceptance by the leaders of the three communities of the original social contract.

41. All subsequent actions by the Government were the results of this social contract. The fact that the initiators of this social contract and their successors were endorsed by the people in every election reflects the undertaking of the people to honour this social contract.

42. Saying that the social contract does not exist is like saying that Malaysia exists in a vacuum, without a Constitution and laws based on this Constitution.

43. Implementing the social contract requires understanding of its spirit as much as the letter. The social contract is aimed at creating a multi-racial nation that is stable and harmonious. Any factor which would cause instability and result in confrontation between the races must be regarded as incompatible with the spirit of the social contract.

44. For 50 years no one seriously questioned the social contract. Even today the majority of Chinese and Indians and the indigenous Malays and natives of Sabah and Sarawak accept the social contract. But because Dato Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi basically lost the 2008 election and now heads a weak Government the extremists and erstwhile detractors have questioned the social contract. The Bar Council has now become a political party believing that its expertise in law will exempt it from being questioned as to its credentials and its political objectives.

45. Abdullah's UMNO is incapable of countering any attack on the social contract. If anything untoward happens Abdullah and UMNO must bear responsibility.

*****


KONTRAK SOSIAL MALAYSIA

1. Sebelum adanya Malaya dan Malaysia, semenanjung ini dikenali sebagai Tanah Melayu.

2. Hanya berkata ini akan sebabkan kita dituduh bersifat perkauman.

3. Untuk terangkan berkenaan asal-usul kontrak sosial Malaysia saya terpaksa imbas semula sejarah.

4. Melalui perjanjian-perjanjian yang ditandatangani Raja-Raja Melayu Semenanjung, British telah mendapat hak untuk menakluk Negeri-negeri Melayu. Perjanjian-perjanjian ini mengakui dan mengesahkan Negeri-negeri ini sebagai Negeri-negeri Melayu. Tidak ada sesiapa pun yang membantah. Orang Asli juga menerima keadaan ini dengan penerimaan oleh mereka pemerintahan Raja-Raja Melayu.

5. Pada mulanya penduduk yang tinggal di Negeri-negeri ini dibahagi kepada orang Melayu dan Orang Asli yang merupakan rakyat Raja-raja Melayu dan tetamu asing yang tidak dianggap sebagai rakyat kepada Raja-raja Melayu. Tidak ada kewarganegaraan mahupun dokumen berkenaan taraf kerakyatan sepertimana di kebanyakan negara-negara lain.

6. Tetamu asing ini hidup mewah di Negeri-negeri Melayu di bawah pentadbiran British dan di jajahan British di Pulau Pinang, Melaka dan Singapura. Orang Melayu yang menjadi rakyat kepada Raja-raja Melayu dan Raja-raja Melayu sendiri tidak sikitpun merasa tergugat dengan bilangan besar orang bukan Melayu dan perbezaan jurang kekayaan dan kemajuan di antara tetamu asing ini dan rakyat Raja-Raja Melayu. Mereka tidak terfikir yang orang asing yang menetap di negara ini akan menuntut hak kewarganegaraan.

7. Apabila Jepun menakluk Negeri-negeri Melayu dan Negeri-negeri Selat, orang Cina merasa tidak selamat kerana Jepun merupakan musuh tradisi mereka.

8. Ramai orang Cina telah menubuhkan dan menganggotai angkatan gerila dan lari ke dalam hutan. Apabila Jepun serah diri, gerila-gerila Cina ini keluar dan merampas balai-balai polis di kawasan pedalaman dan isytihar yang mereka adalah pemerintah negara ini. Mereka menangkap ramai orang, Cina dan Melayu dan beberapa daripada mereka ini dibunuh.

9. Orang Melayu di kampung-kampung membalas dengan membunuh orang Cina di kawasan luar bandar. Ketegangan timbul dan pertempuran antara Cina dan Melayu dielak hanya dengan kedatangan angkatan tentera British. Tetapi perasaan marah dan benci antara kedua-dua kaum ini tetap tinggi.

10. Di dalam keadaan tegang ini British mencadang penubuhan Malayan Union yang akan memberi "tetamu-tetamu" ini hak kerakyatan yang tidak membezakan mereka daripada orang Melayu.

11. Orang Melayu menolak Malayan Union dan cadangan hak kerakyatan ini. Mereka paksa British untuk kembali keapda keadaan asal atau status quo ante di dalam Persekutuan Tanah Melayu (Federation of Malaya) yang baru.

12. Hanya orang Cina yang menjadi rakyat Negeri-negeri Selat layak untuk mendapat kerakyatan di dalam Persekutuan yang baru ini. Sudah tentu warganegara keturunan Melayu jauh lebih ramai daripada rakyat Malaya yang berketurunan Cina.

13. Pemimpin-pemimpin Cina merayu kepada British, yang kemudiannya menekan Presiden UMNO, Dato Onn Jaafar supaya mencadangkan agar UMNO dibuka kepada semua kaum. Cadangan ini ditolak lain-lain pemimpin UMNO dan Dato Onn terpaksa melepaskan jawatan.

14. British terus beri tekanan kepada orang Melayu untuk bersikap lebih terbuka berkenaan soal kerakyatan bagi orang bukan Melayu.

15. Presiden UMNO Tunku Abdul Rahman memutuskan untuk menubuhkan pakatan dengan MCA (Malaysian Chinese Association) dan MIC (Malaysian Indian Congress). Dalam pilihanraya Majlis Perundangan Persekutuan (Federal Legislative Assembly) 1955, oleh kerana kurangnya kawasan majoriti penduduk Cina dan India, MCA dan MIC terpaksa letak calon mereka di kawasan yang mempunyai majoriti Melayu selepas UMNO bersetuju untuk tidak bertanding di kawasan-kawasan ini dan sebaliknya menyokong calon Cina MCA dan calon India MIC.

16. Begitu sokongan orang Melayu terhadap calon Perikatan MCA dan MIC hinggakan mereka menang walaupun menentang calon Melayu daripada PAS. Calon MCA dan MIC kesemuanya menang. Hanya UMNO kalah satu kerusi kepada PAS.

17. Tunku sebagai Ketua Menteri Persekutuan Tanah Melayu kemudian memutus untuk menuntut kemerdekaan. British terus berkeras menuntut hak kerakyatan bagi orang Cina dan India sebagai syarat memberi kemerdekaan.

18. Untuk mengatasi halangan British terhadap kemerdekaan dan untuk memenangi sokongan orang Cina dan India Tunku memutuskan untuk beri satu juta kerakyatan kepada kedua-dua komuniti ini berdasarkan hanya kepada permastautin. Salah seorang rakyat baru yang menonjol ialah (Tun) Leong Yew Koh, bekas general di dalam angkatan tentera nasional China yang kemudiannya dilantik Gabenor Melaka.

19. Di peringkat ini pemimpin-pemimpin ketiga-tiga parti yang berdasarkan kepada kaum yang telah mendirikan Kerajaan pemerintahan sendiri di dalam Persekutuan Tanah Melayu (Federation of Malaya) British telah berbincang dan mencapai persetujuan berkenaan syarat perhubungan antara ketiga-tiga kaum di dalam Persekutuan Tanah Melayu yang merdeka.

20. Ianya merupakan agihan yang sama rata. Sebagai balasan untuk satu juta kerakyatan bukan Melayu, orang bukan Melayu mesti mengakui kedudukan istimewa orang Melayu sebagai Bumiputera. Beberapa peruntukan undang-undang seperti kedudukan Islam sebagai agama rasmi, pengekalan tanah rizab Melayu, kedudukan Raja-raja Melayu dan adat istiadat Melayu dan pengagihan jawatan dalam Kerajaan juga termasuk di dalam persefahaman ini.

21. Dalam soal Bahasa Kebangsaan, Bahasa Melayu telah dipersetujui sebagai Bahasa Kebangsaan. Bahasa Inggeris pula sebagai bahasa ke-dua. Kaum Cina dan India boleh terus gunakan bahasa mereka tetapi bukanlah sebagai bahasa rasmi untuk berkomunikasi.

22. Sekolah rendah Cina dan Tamil juga boleh menggunakan bahasa masing-masing sebagai bahasa pengajar. Bahasa-bahasa ini juga boleh digunakan di sekolah menengah, tetapi hanya di sekolah menengah swasta.

23. Di pihak mereka pemimpin-pemimpin Cina dan India yang mewakili parti mereka menuntut agar kerakyatan dijadikan hak mereka yang tidak boleh ditarik balik, mereka dibenar kekalkan bahasa, agama dan budaya mereka dan sebagai rakyat mereka diberikan hak politik sepertimana yang diberikan kepada semua rakyat.

24. Kebanyakan persetujuan dan persefahaman ini terkandung di dalam Perlembagaan Persekutuan Tanah Melayu merdeka. Bagi setiap yang diperuntukkan kepada orang Melayu, akan sentiasa terdapat peruntukan bagi yang bukan Melayu. Tidak ramai yang sebut akan hakikat ini. Yang menarik perhatian ramai dan yang menjadi tajuk perbalahan ialah apa yang diperuntukkan kepada orang Melayu dan lain-lain kaum Bumiputera sahaja.

25. Demikian walaupun Bahasa Melayu dijadikan Bahasa Kebangsaan, bahasa Cina dan Tamil tetap bebas digunakan di sekolah Cina dan Tamil. Peruntukan ini tidak terdapat di mana-mana negara lain. Bahkan di negara-negara yang liberal sekalipun tidak terdapat jaminan seperti ini yang termaktub di dalam Perlembagaan.

26. Bahasa Kebangsaan ini haruslah dipelajari semua orang agar setiap warganegara Malaya dapat berkomunikasi antara satu sama lain di mana-mana sahaja.

27. Difahamkan bahasa Cina yang di maksudkan di dalam persefahaman tersebut adalah dialek-dialek Cina yang ditutur di Malaysia dan bukannya bahasa kebangsaan negeri China. Demikian bagi kaum India Malaya bahasa Tamil digunakan dan bukannya Hindi atau Urdu atau apa-apa bahasa pun yang menjadi bahasa Kebangsaan di India. Tetapi para pendidik aliran Cina kemudiannya mengguna Bahasa Cina yang menjadi bahasa Kebangsaan negara China iaitu Mandarin.

28. Islam adalah agama rasmi tetapi agama-agama lain boleh dipraktik penganut masing-masing tanpa apa-apa halangan. Sebagai agama rasmi Islam mendapat bantuan Kerajaan. Tiada tersebut tentang bantuan bagi mana-mana agama lain. Bukan Melayu tidak menekankan tentang ini dan Perlembagaan Persekutuan tidak pun sebut tentang bantuan Kerajaan terhadap agama lain. Namun sokongan dan bantuan tetap diberikan.

29. Kuota ditetapkan bagi kakitangan Kerajaan (Malayan Civil Service) dimana orang Melayu akan mendapat empat tempat bagi setiap satu yang diberikan kepada orang Cina dan India. Walaubagaimanapun, jawatan profesional diiktiraf terbuka bagi semua kaum kerana dianggap tidak mungkin terdapat cukup bilangan orang Melayu untuk mengisi jawatan-jawatan tersebut.

30. Hasilnya pada awal kemerdekaan terdapat lebih ramai kaum bukan Melayu daripada Melayu yang mengisi jawatan dalam Divisyen Satu.

31. Yang Di-Pertuan Agong atau Raja-raja Melayu akan menentukan kuota biasiswa dan lesen bagi orang Melayu. Tetapi tiada sesiapa yang akan dirampas mana-mana permit atau lesen hanya untuk diberikan kepada kaum Bumiputera.

32. Kedudukan Raja-raja Melayu termaktub dan tidak boleh dipersoalkan. Seorang Yang Di-Pertuan Agong akan dipilih daripada sembilan Raja-raja Melayu dan akan berkhidmat selama lima tahun.

33. Raja-raja akan menjadi Raja berperlembagaan. Kuasa eksekutif akan dilaksanakan oleh Menteri Besar, Ketua Menteri dan Perdana Menteri yang dipilih dan dibantu ahli majlis atau Kabinet. Amalan British dijadikan contoh.

34. Persetujuan yang paling penting ialah pelaksanaan Demokrasi Berparlimen digabungkan dengan Raja Berperlembagaan, sekali lagi seperti yang diamalkan di United Kingdom. Harus diingat pihak British telah mengenakan Kerajaan Kolonial kuku besi ke atas Negeri-negeri Melayu dengan kuasa diletak pada Pejabat Kolonial di London.

35. Sebelum ini Negeri-negeri Melayu diperintah secara feudal di mana Raja-raja Melayu mempunyai kuasa mutlak. Hanya golongan bangsawan yang memain peranan dalam politik negeri. Rakyat Melayu tidak langsung ada apa-apa hak politik. Sudah tentu tetamu juga tidak mempunyai suara dalam hal-hal berkenaan politik. Warganegara British keturunan Cina dan India juga tidak mempunyai apa-apa suara walaupun mereka boleh dilantik sebagai Ahli Kehormat Majlis Kerajaan Tempatan atau Perundangan.

36. Keputusan untuk melaksana sistem Kerajaan berlandaskan demokrasi merupakan satu langkah radikal di dalam pentadbiran Kerajaan di Persekutuan Tanah Melayu dan Negeri-negeri Melayu. Ini dipersetujui pemimpin ketiga-tiga kaum terbesar yang diwakili parti-parti politik UMNO, MCA dan MIC. Tidak syak lagi yang parti-parti ini mewakili sebahagian besar daripada ketiga-tiga masyarakat di Malaya. Pihak Komunis dan yang berhaluan kiri lain tidak menyatakan persetujuan mereka terhadap persefahaman ini.

37. Suruhanjaya Reid diberi penerangan tentang perjanjian dan persefahaman ini agar ianya akan dimasukkan kedalam Perlembagaan yang akan digubal. Ketiga-tiga parti meluluskan Perlembagaan yang digubal setelah beberapa pindaan dilakukan. Kesannya Perlembagaan ini menjadi kontrak yang mengikat ketiga-tiga kaum di Persekutuan Tanah Melayu menjelang merdeka pada tahun 1957.

38. Apabila Sabah dan Sarawak menyertai Negeri-negeri Semenanjung untuk membentuk Malaysia kontrak sosial ini di panjangkan kepada kedua-dua negeri ini. Orang Bumiputera Sabah dan Sarawak di beri taraf yang sama dengan orang Melayu. Pada masa ini juga perkataan Bumiputera diperkenalkan untuk membezakan orang Melayu dan orang Bumiputera Sabah, Sarawak daripada yang berketurunan pendatang. Kerana Bahasa Melayu dugunakan secara meluas di negeri-negeri Borneo tidak ada kesulitan bagi penerimaan Bahasa Melayu sebagai Bahasa Kebangsaan. Walaupun kaum Bumiputera di kedua-dua negeri ini bukan semuanya orang Islam ini tidak memerlukan pindaan kepada Perlembagaan apabila perkataan Bumiputera diterima. Tetapi definisi rasmi bagi orang Melayu tetap tidak berubah.

39. Oleh itu pembentukan kontrak sosial dimaktubkan dalam pertama, Perlembagaan Persekutuan Tanah Melayu dan seterusnya Malaysia. Untuk mengatakan yang ianya tidak wujud samalah dengan menidakkan kandungan Perlembagaan yang diasaskan kepada penerimaan oleh pemimpin-pemimpin ketiga-tiga kaum terhadap kontrak sosial yang asal.

40. Kesemua tindakan susulan oleh Kerajaan adalah hasil daripada kontrak sosial ini. Hakikatnya pencetus kontrak sosial ini dan pewaris-pewaris mereka yang diiktiraf rakyat di setiap Pilihanraya Umum menunjukkan kesediaan rakyat untuk menghormati kontrak sosial ini.

41. Menidakkan kewujudan kontrak sosial ini ialah seperti berkata yang Malaysia ini wujud di dalam suasana kekosongan, tidak ada Perlembagaan dan undang-undang yang berlandaskan kontrak ini.

42. Pelaksanaan kontrak sosial ini memerlukan pemahaman semangatnya yang mendalam. Kontrak sosial ini bertujuan mewujudkan satu negara berbilang kaum yang stabil dan harmoni. Apa jua faktor yang akan akibatkan ketidakstabilan dan menghasilkan ketegangan di antara kaum haruslah dianggap tidak sesuai dengan semangat kontrak sosial ini.

43. Selama 50 tahun tidak ada sesiapa yang menyoal kontrak sosial ini. Malahan hari ini pun majoriti kaum Cina dan India dan Bumiputera Melayu dan kaum Bumiputera Sabah dan Sarawak menerima kontrak sosial ini. Tetapi kerana Dato Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi pada asasnya kalah dalam pilihanraya 2008 dan sekarang mengetuai Kerajaan yang lemah, pihak ekstrimis dan penyanggah sekarang ini mempersoalkan kontrak sosial ini. Majlis Peguam kini telah menjadi sebuah parti politik yang percaya bahawa kepakarannya dalam undang-undang akan mengecualikan ianya daripada dipersoal tentang kelayakannya dan objektif politiknya.

44. UMNO Abdullah tidak berdaya menangkis apa-apa serangan terhadap kontrak sosial ini. Jika apa-apa terjadi Abdullah dan UMNO harus dipertanggungjawabkan.

Friday, July 11, 2008

PERALIHAN KUASA

Posted by Dr. Mahathir Mohamad at www.chedet.com on July 11, 2008 10:14 AM

Berkali-kali saya ditanya "saya orang biasa, saya hanya ahli biasa UMNO, saya hanya pemimpin kerdil UMNO dan sebagainya. Apa yang boleh saya buat?"

Selain daripada membuat komen dalam blog, kita boleh beritahu kepada ahli-ahli UMNO dan pemimpin cawangan dan bahagian UMNO, "Kami tak akan undi UMNO atau Barisan Nasional selagi ada Dato Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi dalam UMNO. BN akan kalah kerana undi kami undi penentu. Kekalahan UMNO akan lebih teruk kerana UMNO dan BN tidak lagi mewakili pandangan rakyat."

"Seperti yang berlaku kepada Menteri Besar Kedah, Perak dan Selangor, dan lain-lain pemimpin UMNO di Negeri-negeri ini, jawatan yang diharap Dato Seri Abdullah akan beri kepada kamu, tidak dapat diberi kerana UMNO dan BN kalah dan menjadi parti pembangkang."

"Demikian juga di peringkat pusat kerana tanpa undi kami yang kerdil, kamu akan kalah."

"Jika kamu boleh berfikir, fikirlah"

Ingatlah, untuk kalah atau menang undi penentu yang menentukan. Jumlah mereka tak perlu banyak. Hanya separuh daripada jumlah lebihan undi yang diperolehi 2008 untuk menang dalam sesuatu kawasan sudah memadai untuk menentukan kalah atau menang sesuatu calon.

Jangan anggap kerana yang berkata "ya" itu ramai maka kemenangan terjamin. Yang kata "ya" mungkin tidak akan undi calon parti. Yang tidak berkata "ya" pun sama. Jika semua mereka rosakkan undi atau undi parti lawan, jumlah undi parti lawan akan melebihi yang berkata "ya" dan undi parti BN.

UMNO dan BN yang tidak peduli pandangan ramai akan tersungkur.

Hanya UMNO dan BN yang mendokong kehendak dan kepentingan rakyat sahaja yang akan selamat.

Kehendak majoriti rakyat ialah untuk Dato Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi letak jawatan. Renunglah. Fikirlah.

Yang mampu selamatkan UMNO dan BN bukan Dato Seri Abdullah.

Yang mampu dan boleh ialah undi penentu.

Thursday, July 10, 2008

Snippets - Peralihan Kuasa

Posted by Dr. Mahathir Mohamad at www.chedet.com on July 10, 2008 12:48 PM

Seperti biasa dalam UMNO dibawah pemerintahan Dato Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi apabila arahan diberi melarang parti daripada sesuatu tindakan, Presiden anggap dirinya tidak tertakluk kepada arahan ini.

Berkempen untuk pemilihan dalam mesyuarat agong tidak dibenarkan, tetapi Presiden membawa semua pemimpin daripada Bahagian untuk diarah supaya tidak mencabar sesiapa selain daripada dirinya sebagai Presiden.

Gula-gula diberikan kepada Dato Seri Najib bahawa dianya juga dikhendaki bebas daripada cabaran untuk Timbalan Presiden. Ini dituju kepada Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin yang ingin bertanding Timbalan Presiden. Jika Muhyiddin bertanding juga maka ini bermakna dia tidak setia kepada parti, pengkhianat, kerana tidak hormat arahan demokratik oleh Presiden.

Najib akan dijanji peralihan kuasa akan dibuat pada 2010. Sebelum sampai tarikh keramat ini tuduhan akan dilempar terhadapnya supaya dia ternampak tidak lagi layak untuk menjadi Timbalan Perdana Menteri.

Seorang yang dianggap lebih setia kepada Dato Seri Abdullah akan menggantinya. Pengganti tidak akan ambil alih jawatan Perdana Menteri pada 2010 kerana kurang pengalaman. Dato Seri Abdullah akan bermurah hati untuk mengisi jawatan itu hingga Pilihanraya Umum ke-13.

Jika trend pemikiran rakyat berterusan Barisan Nasional akan kalah dalam Pilihanraya Umum ini dan Dato Seri Abdullah tidak akan jadi Perdana Menteri. Oleh itu tidak adalah jawatan yang hendak dialih kepada pengganti Dato Seri Najib.

Pengasas-pengasas UMNO daripada kubur mereka akan kutuk orang yang telah musnahkan parti yang mereka bentuk dan wujud guna untuk menebus maruah orang Melayu dan negara Malaysia.

Parti yang mereka tubuh sudah di hi-jack oleh Dato Seri Abdullah untuk kepentingan diri dan keluarga sehingga hancur parti dibuatnya.

Snippets - Fitnah internet, SMS perbuatan khianat PM

Posted by Dr. Mahathir Mohamad at www.chedet.com on July 10, 2008 10:50 AM

Kata Dato Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi; "Tindakan menyebarkan fitnah dan pembohongan melalui internet dan SMS untuk mewujudkan persepsi negatif rakyat terhadap Kerajaan adalah perbuatan khianat," - Berita Harian 8 Julai, 2008.

Perdana Menteri menegaskan perbuatan itu jelas melanggar prinsip Rukunegara seperti;

1) Kesetiaan kepada Raja dan Negara

2) Keluhuran Perlembagaan

3) Kedaulatan Undang-undang

4) Kesopanan dan Kesusilaan

Dimanakah disebut "Kerajaan" dalam Rukunegara? Atau apakah pada pendapat Dato Seri Abdullah Kerajaan adalah sama dengan Raja dan Negara?

Memang dalam sebuah negara demokratik, mengkritik Kerajaan menjadi satu daripada tanggungjawab parti lawan dan Badan-Badan Bukan Kerajaan (NGO), bahkan rakyat biasa. Jika ini dianggap fitnah dan pengkhianatan, lebih baik lagi Kerajaan isytihar pemerintahan kuku besi.

Apakah kritikan dalam internet dan SMS (sistem pesanan mesej ringkas) semuanya pembohongan?

Bohongkah Kerajaan Dato Seri Abdullah berdolak-dalik kata sesuatu hari ini, batalkan hari esok?

Bohongkah Kerajaan rugi satu billion Ringgit apabila batalkan projek jambatan, apabila jual M.V. Agusta yang dibeli dengan harga 70 juta Euro (RM300 juta) dijual dengan harga satu Euro (RM4), kenaikan harga minyak dengan mendadak, kenaikan kos untuk bina landasan kembar berelektrik keretapi daripada RM14 bilion dari Johor Baru ke Padang Besar kepada RM12 billion hanya dari Ipoh ke Padang besar, kekalahan teruk Barisan Nasional dalam Pilihanraya Umum 2008 dan lain-lain.

Yang membohong ialah Kerajaan dengan membuat kenyataan segala-galanya baik dalam negara, semua rakyat sokong Kerajaan, parti UMNO sebulat suara hendak Dato Seri Abdullah kekal sebagai Presiden dan lain-lain.

Jika pembohongan adalah pengkhianatan, maka yang mengkhianati Negara dan Rakyat ialah Kerajaan dengan pemimpinnya.

Jika rakyat melalui saluran yang tidak dikuasai oleh Kerajaan meminta supaya Dato Seri Abdullah berhenti daripada memimpin Kerajaan, mereka bukan buat fitnah. Sebaliknya mereka setia dan sayang Raja dan Negara dan ingin lihat negara ini tidak dibelenggu oleh Kerajaan pimpinan orang yang tidak sedikit pun setia kepada negara, hanya setia kepada diri sendiri dan keluarga.

Wednesday, July 9, 2008

Snippets - Tioman

Posted by Dr. Mahathir Mohamad at www.chedet.com on July 9, 2008 3:43 PM

1. I visited Pulau Tioman recently to see the new marina which was approved during my time.

2. It is beautiful. Unfortunately it is too small. The authorities were afraid that coral would be destroyed if a larger marina is built.

3. I am as much an environmentalist as anyone else. But if we are going to develop we have to accept prudent sacrifices.

4. The coral at the site was not the beautiful coral with multi-coloured fish darting in between that we often see in picture books or on television. Mostly the coral is in the form of shapeless rocks, damaged by boats dropping their anchors there. Samples of these rocks were dragged up and displayed in front of the administrative building. They are not attractive at all.

5. The locals had protested against the construction and obstructed the work claiming it was going to hurt their business. But now everyone is happy. Evenings and nights see the locals enjoying the jetty and the wharf. They use it to take on board their ex-fishing boats the tourists hopping to the other island. They earn RM200 for ferrying the tourists. I think they get more than they did using their boats for fishing. The marina has accommodation for shops and restaurants, which should give the locals some opportunities for doing business.

6. Unfortunately their standard of living although higher now than before development is not as high as in Langkawi. Certain people are determined to keep these Tiomanese poor by preventing the proper development of these beautiful islands.

7. I feel sad seeing the ramshackle huts which the villages used to rent to tourists for RM 5 a night. There is no proper toilet and no bathroom.

8. They are not doing well now and many have collapsed. Yet Tioman water is very clear and tourists like to swim and snorkel there.

9. The old landing strip has not been extended while the proposed new runway approved before I stepped down has not been built as the contract was given to a contractor quoting a ridiculously low price.

10. Maybe we should preserve the islands and the people in their pristine condition.

THE APOLOGISTS

Posted by Dr. Mahathir Mohamad at www.chedet.com on July 8, 2008 1:11 PM

(versi Bahasa Malaysia di akhir artikel ini)

1. At a press conference called to explain about the police report on judge Ian Chin, a Western reporter blamed me for the authoritarian rule of Prime Minister Dato Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi.

2. It seemed that he had inherited this behaviour from me. And she suggested that I was worse than Dato Seri Abdullah.

3. The Western press and my detractors among the opposition and certain members of the local press had of course labelled me a dictator when I was Prime Minister.

4. Labelling is one way to destroy the image of a leader and to reduce his popularity.

5. Lee Kuan Yew labelled me "the Malay Ultra" and the Chinese in Malaysia were shocked when I was named the Deputy Prime Minister by Tun Hussein. They thought I would be dispossessing them of their wealth and rights in favour of the Malays.

6. But soon after I took office they changed their minds and became very supportive. Before I stepped down the Chinese electorate ensured that I got the 2/3 majority in 1999, the last election over which I presided.

7. But the Western journalists prefer to retain their own fiction about my being a dictator, my anti-Chinese feelings and my being corrupt and favouring my cronies. Now their journalists would read these old reports and presume that they were God-given truths. They never ever do any real research. And so every time I criticise the Abdullah Badawi regime, they and the local Abdullah apologists would rebut by saying that I was worse when I was Prime Minister.

8. In particular my alleged authoritarian management of the party and the Government. What they ignore is the fact that during my Presidency of UMNO, other leaders were not afraid to challenge me.

9. Dato (now Tun) Musa Hitam, my first Deputy resigned from his position in the Government and the party. I was naturally angered by his action. But the Supreme Council of UMNO decided to send a delegation to appeal to him to come back. I did not oppose this move, and accepted his decision to return as Deputy President of UMNO but not as Deputy Prime Minister.

10. I had to appoint (Tun) Ghaffar Baba as Deputy Prime Minister.

11. Then Musa persuaded his arch enemy, Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah to contest for President against me while he contested for Deputy President.

12. The two were supported by (Dato Seri) Abdullah Badawi, (Dato Seri) Syed Hamid Albar, (Tan Sri) Abdul Kadir Sheikh Fadzir, (Dato Seri) Rais Yatim and many others. They went around the country to persuade UMNO divisions and members to dump me and elect them at the UMNO General Assembly.

13. I did not stop them from campaigning although they made scurrilous allegations against me. UMNO members were not prevented from attending campaign meetings held by them. It is believed that money was used to persuade UMNO delegates to the General Assembly to vote for them.

14. In the event I just managed to win with a 43 vote majority while my running mate, Ghaffar had a 41 vote majority.

15. Tengku Razaleigh's supporters took this issue to court seeking to force a new election. The court decided that UMNO was an illegal party. I had to re-register UMNO as New UMNO, UMNO Baru. Tengku Razaleigh formed a new party which he called Semangat 46 or Spirit of '46 (the year UMNO was formed).

16. Both parties tried to attract the members of the former UMNO. UMNO Baru (New UMNO) gained the most number of the former members and new members.

17. Dato Seri Abdullah opted to join UMNO Baru. Even though he supported Tengku Razaleigh I did not stop him. However I did not appoint him as a Minister.

18. Semangat 46 did badly in the General Elections in 1990 and again in 1995. Tengku Razaleigh dissolved the party and rejoined UMNO. I did not bear a grudge against him. His colleague Dato Seri Rais Yatim was reappointed a Minister.

19. Dato Seri Abdullah Badawi contested for membership of the UMNO Supreme Council and won. At the next election he contested for Vice President and came in second.

20. After that I concluded that UMNO members wanted him and I reappointed him as a Cabinet Minister. I could not ignore the wishes of UMNO members. The party belongs to them, not to me alone.

21. He then went on to be made Deputy Prime Minister and was accordingly elected by UMNO Assembly as Deputy President.

22. All these things were possible when I was President of UMNO and Prime Minister. But the moment I stepped down I was not allowed to meet UMNO Ministers and other UMNO leaders and they were not allowed to meet me or attend any function where I spoke. This remains the directive to this day.

23. UMNO members who invited me to speak were called up by UMNO Menteri Besar and the Police and told to withdraw their invitation. After that UMNO branches stopped inviting me. They had to persuade NGO's to invite me so that the few brave souls among them could attend anonymously. UMNO Members of Parliament and State Assemblymen would not attend even the NGO organised meetings.

24. Invitations by universities are not allowed and a few who did had to withdraw their invitations.

25. When I requested to see Dato Seri Najib Tun Razak, the UMNO Deputy President and Deputy Prime Minister after the Election he said he had to get the permission of the Prime Minister.

26. After a long time when the Press asked if I had met the Deputy Prime Minister, I had to explain that I had not because the Deputy Prime Minister had not obtained the permission of the Prime Minister yet. When I was Deputy Prime Minister I never had to get the permission of the Prime Minister to see anyone. Neither had my four Deputies to ask permission from me. They were free to see anyone they liked.

27. After the Press reported my reply, the Prime Minister denied he did not give permission. Subsequently Dato Seri Najib invited me to see him in his house. I went and I found that he was not willing to go against anything the Prime Minister said or did. It was obvious that he was afraid of the Prime Minister. Why he is afraid I do not know. But all the Cabinet Ministers, Members of the UMNO Supreme Council, Divisional Heads are afraid of Prime Minister Abdullah. They were never afraid of me when I was Prime Minister.

28. After the 2008 Elections even UMNO members blamed Dato Seri Abdullah. Many had secretly voted for the opposition because they did not like him or his administration. He was asked to step down by many UMNO Division heads who were not in the Government. Those in the Government gave unlimited support fearing to lose their jobs.

29. None of the UMNO top leaders dared to challenge him. None dared to say anything openly against him. UMNO Supreme Council members and Cabinet members all chorused their support of him. Support for me when I was Prime Minister was never total.

30. Despite the frequent challenges and criticisms against me when I was UMNO President and Prime Minister, despite the fact that UMNO members and leaders actually stood against me and nearly toppled me, despite UMNO leaders contesting against me, Abdullah apologists and the Western press still insist that I was a dictator who is worse than Abdullah. That I had stepped down voluntarily, something which dictators have never done, has not lessened this dictator label on me.

31. This argument that I was worse than Dato Abdullah will be trotted out every time I criticise or point out the authoritarianism of the Abdullah regime. If people are so blind as not to see who is the dictator and who is not, it is their right. But when you deliberately ignore the truth you will lose credibility. That is why today very few read the Government controlled mainstream newspapers or watch the news reports on Government controlled television. Blogs have replaced the conventional media as sources of information.

32. That is why I have taken to blogging. The number of visitors I get (three million in two months) and the comments they make tell the true story about how the people really feel. To a huge majority of these people I am not a dictator. For me that counts.

33. The apologists will go on repeating the old cliché but it will get them nowhere. Clearly people just don't believe.

****


PEMBODEK

1. Pada sidang akhbar untuk menerangkan berkenaan laporan polis terhadap Hakim Ian Chin, seorang pemberita asing menyalahkan saya kerana pentadbiran kuku besi Perdana Menteri.

2. Kononnya sikapnya ini diperturunkan daripada saya. Malahan pemberita itu juga mengatakan yang saya lebih buruk daripada Dato Seri Abdullah.

3. Media Barat dan pengkritik-pengkritik saya di kalangan pembangkang dan sesetengah pihak di kalangan media tempatan telah melabelkan saya sebagai diktator semasa saya menjadi Perdana Menteri.

4. Label adalah satu cara untuk burukkan imej pemimpin bagi mengurangkan popularitinya.

5. Lee Kuan Yew melabel saya "Malay Ultra" dan rakyat Malaysia berketurunan Cina terkejut atas pelantikan saya sebagai Timbalan Perdana Menteri oleh Tun Hussein Onn. Mereka jangka yang saya akan merampas kekayaan dan hak mereka untuk diberikan kepada orang Melayu.

6. Tetapi selepas saya mengambil alih, mereka bertukar fikiran dan sokong saya. Sebelum saya letak jawatan, pengundi-pengundi Cina telah pastikan saya dapat majority 2/3 pada 1999, pilihanraya umum terakhir yang saya terajui.

7. Tetapi pemberita barat masih kekal dengan khayalan mereka yang saya ini diktator, anti kaum Cina dan perasuah disamping memberi keistimewaan kepada kroni-kroni saya. Pemberita mereka akan membaca laporan-laporan lama dan akan menganggap ianya sebagai benar. Mereka tidak pernah membuat sebarang penyelidikan. Sebab itu setiap kali saya mengkritik rejim Dato Seri Abdullah, mereka dan pembodek-pembodek Abdullah akan tuduh yang saya ini lebih buruk semasa menjadi Perdana Menteri.

8. Terutama sekali tuduhan berkenaan pentadbiran kuku besi yang kononnya saya amalkan dalam Kerajaan dan parti. Hakikat yang mereka tidak mahu lihat ialah semasa saya pegang kerusi Presiden UMNO, pemimpin-pemimpin lain tidak takut melawan saya.

9. Dato (sekarang Tun) Musa Hitam, timbalan saya yang pertama melepaskan jawatannya di dalam Kerajaan dan parti. Sudah tentu saya marah dengan tindakannya. Tetapi Majlis Tertinggi UMNO memutuskan untuk menghantar delegasi memujuk beliau kembali. Saya tidak bantah gerakan ini dan menerima keputusannya kembali sebagai Timbalan Presiden UMNO, tetapi tidak sebagai Timbalan Perdana Menteri.

10. Saya melantik (Tun) Ghaffar Baba sebagai Timbalan Perdana Menteri.

11. Selepas itu Musa menghasut musuh ketatnya, Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah supaya bertanding kerusi Presiden menentang saya dan dia sendiri bertanding jawatan Timbalan Presiden.

12. Mereka berdua disokong oleh (Dato Seri) Abdullah Badawi, (Dato Seri) Syed Hamid Albar, (Tan Sri) Abdul Kadir Sheikh Fadzir, (Dato Seri) Rais Yatim dan ramai lagi. Mereka menjelajah ke seluruh negara memujuk Bahagian-bahagian dan ahli UMNO untuk menolak saya dan melantik mereka di Perhimpunan Agong UMNO.

13. Saya tidak sekat mereka berkempen walaupun mereka membuat tuduhan-tuduhan yang memburukkan imej saya. Ahli UMNO tidak dihalang menghadiri mesyuarat kempen mereka. Adalah dipercayai bahawa wang telah digunakan bagi memujuk perwakilan UMNO ke mesyuarat Agong untuk mengundi mereka.

14. Dalam pertandingan tersebut saya menang dengan majoriti 43-undi manakala Ghafar menang dengan 41-undi.

15. Penyokong-penyokong Tengku Razaleigh membawa isu ini ke mahkamah untuk memaksa pemilihan semula. Mahkamah putuskan UMNO sebagai pertubuhan yang tidak sah. Saya terpaksa daftar semula UMNO sebagai UMNO Baru. Tengku Razaleigh menubuhkan parti baru yang dipanggil Semangat 46 bersempena tahun kelahiran UMNO.

16. Kedua-dua parti cuba menarik ahli UMNO lama. UMNO Baru berjaya pikat ahli lama dan ahli baru yang teramai.

17. Dato Seri Abdullah memilih untuk sertai UMNO Baru. Walaupun dia menyokong Tengku Razaleigh saya tidak menyekatnya. Tetapi saya tidak lantik dia sebagai Menteri.

18. Semangat 46 kalah teruk pada Pilihanraya Umum 1990 dan sekali lagi pada 1995. Tengku Razaleigh membubarkan parti tersebut dan kembali kepada UMNO. Saya tidak menyimpan apa-apa dendam terhadapnya. Dato Seri Rais Yatim dilantik Menteri.

19. Dato Seri Abdullah Badawi bertanding dan menang kerusi Ahli Majlis tertinggi UMNO. Pada pemilihan seterusnya dia bertanding Naib Presiden dan mendapat tempat kedua.

20. Selepas itu saya membuat rumusan bahawa ahli UMNO hendakkan beliau dan saya pun lantik beliau sebagai Menteri Kabinet. Saya tidak boleh ketepikan kehendak ahli UMNO. Parti ini adalah hak ahli, bukan hak saya seorang.

21. Dianya kemudian dilantik oleh saya sebagai Timbalan Perdana Menteri dan sebagai kebiasaan oleh dipilih perwakilan UMNO sebagai Timbalan Presiden.

22. Semua ini berlaku semasa saya memegang jawatan Presiden UMNO dan Perdana Menteri. Tetapi sebaik sahaja saya meletak jawatan saya tidak dibenar berjumpa Menteri UMNO dan lain-lain pemimpin UMNO dan mereka juga tidak dibenar berjumpa saya atau menghadiri apa-apa acara dimana saya berucap. Arahan ini kekal hingga hari ini.

23. Ahli UMNO yang menjemput saya berucap dipanggil Menteri Besar UMNO dan polis dan diarah tarik balik jemputan mereka. Selepas itu cawangan-cawangan UMNO berhenti menjemput saya. Mereka terpaksa menggunakan Badan Bukan Kerajaan (NGO) agar yang berani di antara mereka dapat hadir secara senyap. Ahli Parlimen UMNO serta Ahli Dewan Undangan Negeri tidak akan hadir walaupun mesyuarat di anjurkan NGO.

24. Jemputan oleh universiti juga tidak dibenarkan dan yang menjemput terpaksa tarik balik.

25. Apabila saya minta untuk berjumpa Timbalan Presiden UMNO dan Timbalan Perdana Menteri Dato Seri Najib Tun Razak selepas Pilihanraya Umum, dia berkata yang dia terpaksa dapatkan kebenaran Perdana Menteri dahulu.

26. Setelah beberapa lama, pihak akhbar bertanya kepada saya jika saya telah berjumpa Timbalan Perdana Menteri, saya terpaksa terang kepada mereka yang saya masih belum dapat jumpa kerana Timbalan Perdana Menteri masih belum dapat kebenaran Perdana Menteri. Semasa saya menjadi Timbalan Perdana Menteri saya tidak perlu dapatkan kebenaran Perdana Menteri untuk bertemu sesiapa. Begitu juga dengan empat Timbalan saya, mereka tidak perlu dapatkan kebenaran saya. Mereka bebas berjumpa sesiapa yang mereka suka.

27. Selepas akhbar melapor jawapan saya, Perdana Menteri berkata dia tidak pun tidak beri kebenaran. Sejurus itu Dato Seri Najib juga jemput saya ke rumahnya. Saya pergi dan saya dapati yang dia tidak sanggup untuk menentang apa sahaja yang Perdana Menteri kata atau lakukan. Jelaslah yang dia takut kepada Perdana Menteri. Kenapa dianya begitu takut saya tak tahu. Tetapi semua Menteri Kabinet, ahli Majlis Tertinggi UMNO, Ketua-Ketua Bahagian memangpun takut dengan Perdana Menteri Abdullah. Mereka tidakpun pernah takut semasa saya menjadi Perdana Menteri.

28. Selepas Pilihanraya Umum 2008, ahli UMNO pun menyalahkan Dato Seri Abdullah. Ramai yang telah secara senyap mengundi pembangkang kerana mereka tidak sukakannya mahupun pentadbirannya. Dia diminta letak jawatan oleh ramai Ketua-Ketua Bahagian yang tidak memegang jawatan Kerajaan. Yang berada dalam Kerajaan memberi sokongan tidak belah-bagi kerana takut kehilangan jawatan.

29. Tidak ada seorangpun pemimpin tinggi UMNO yang berani menentangnya. Tidak ada seorangpun yang berani menyatakan apa-apa secara terbuka terhadapnya. Ahli Majlis Tertinggi UMNO dan Menteri-menteri Kabinet bersatu suara menyokong beliau. Sokongan kepada saya semasa saya Perdana Menteri tidak pernah menyeluruh.

30. Walaupun kerap berlaku tentangan dan kritikan terhadap saya semasa mejadi Presiden UMNO dan Perdana Menteri, walaupun ahli UMNO dan pemimpin parti jelas menentang saya dan hampir menjatuhkan saya, walaupun pemimpin UMNO bertanding melawan saya, pembodek-pembodek Abdullah dan media Barat masih lagi berkeras mengatakan bahawa saya diktator yang lebih buruk daripada Abdullah. Bahawa saya telah meletak jawatan tanpa paksaan, sesuatu yang tidak pernah dilakukan oleh mana-mana diktator, ini tidak sedikitpun mengurangkan dakwaan diktator terhadap saya.

31. Tuduhan yang saya lebih buruk daripada Dato Seri Abdullah akan dibangkitkan setiap kali saya mengkritik atau menunjukkan penguasaan kuku besi rejim Abdullah. Jika orang terlalu buta dan tidak dapat melihat siapa diktator dan siapa bukan, itu adalah hak mereka. Tetapi apabila kita sengaja menolak kebenaran kita akan hilang kredibiliti. Itulah sebabnya kenapa hari ini tidak ramai yang membaca akhbar arus perdana yang dikawal Kerajaan atau menonton laporan berita di stesen televisyen yang dikawal Kerajaan. Blog telah mengambil alih peranan media konvensyenal sebagai sumber maklumat.

32. Itulah juga sebabnya saya mulakan blog saya ini. Pengunjung yang saya terima (tiga juta dalam masa dua bulan) dan maklumbalas yang mereka buat mencerita keadaan sebenar tentang apa yang mereka rasa. Kepada majority yang besar di kalangan mereka saya bukan diktator. Bagi saya ini penting.

33. Pembodek akan terus ulang lagu lama tetapi ini tidak akan membawa mereka kemana-mana. Jelas sekali rakyat sudah tidak percaya.

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